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While the era following the Bland decision in 19931 might be cialis 10mg price thought of as the time when concepts such as ‘futility’ were placed under pressure and scrutiny, it’s an idea that has been debated for at least forty years. In a 1983 JME commentary Bryan Jennett distinguishes three kinds of reason why Cardiopulmonary Resuscitation (CPR) might be withheld:‘… that CPR would be futile because it is very unlikely to be successful. That quality of life after CPR is likely to be changed to so poor a level as to be a greater burden than the benefit gained from prolongation of life, and that quality of life is already so poor due to cialis 10mg price chronic or terminal disease that life should not be prolonged by CPR.’ pp-142-1432This crisp definition seems as applicable as it did then, but it was not the final word on the concept. Mitchell, Kerridge and Lovat explore, as others did in the post-Bland and Quinlan eras, how ‘futility’ might apply to those in a persistent vegetative state(PVS).3 They defend withdrawing artificial nutrition and hydration (ANH) when it ‘…offers no reasonable hope of real benefit to the PVS patient’ and note that this ‘would represent a significant shift in the ethical obligation owed by the doctor to the patient.’ p74 The ethical difference between that sense of futility and Jennett’s first sense of a ‘treatment being very unlikely to be successful’ was not lost on those critical of the withdrawal of ANH. Following the Bland decision, Finnis and Keown observed that doctors were now able to determine whether the life of someone in a PVS was worth living and decide that treatment could be withdrawn because treating that patient was deemed futile in the sense of not providing them with an improvement in their quality of life.4 5In addition to worries about the very different kinds of cialis 10mg price clinical judgement that can be described as futile, some have objected that the clinical use of the term risks being pejorative.

Gillon reaches the view that‘…futility judgments are so fraught with ambiguity, complexity and potential aggravation that they are probably best avoided altogether, at least in cases where the patient or the patient’s proxies are likely to disagree with the judgment.’6 p339Arguing in a similar vein, Ardagh objects both to the complexity in determining before the case that CPR won’t work and to the conceptual implication that futility means a failure of a treatment to benefit.7Futility has continued to be debated in the literature since these and other critical analyses of its utility and coherence were published. This issue of the JME includes papers that cialis 10mg price re-examine issues that were flagged in earlier debates. Cole et al describe the predicament faced by ambulance clinicians (paramedics) when they decide that CPR is futile and when family members are present who would like everything to be done.8 This brings back into the light the issue of whether the judgement that a treatment is futile is a straightforwardly clinical or physiological assessment. They mention UK guidance that says‘‘‘Where no explicit decision about CPR has been considered and recorded in advance, there should be an initial presumption in favour of CPR.” Clinicians are however, given discretion to make decisions not to attempt CPR where they think it would be futile.’That, cialis 10mg price on the face of it, implies that first responders can make a judgement that CPR is futile, but the picture is muddied if we understand futility to be a judgement about the best interests of that patient. That judgement does imply, at the very least, a discussion with family members about what would be in that patient’s interests.

So, clarity about which sense of futility is in play seems as critical as it did when Jennett wrote about it in the 1980s.Vivas and Carpenter grapple with the futility issue that was also at the heart of the Bland decision and the withdrawal of ANH for those in a PVS.9 They say‘How do we define treatment futility when a treatment is often effective in the strict physiological sense (restoring life) while being almost entirely ineffective in the larger, holistic sense—that is, it does not stop dying, merely delays and prolongs cialis 10mg price it?. €™In the case of CPR they consider the argument that it might be an instance of a death ritual ‘… connected with religious beliefs and broader social values. In our technological society, even ‘physiologically futile’ resuscitation may have significant value as social ritual for the dying and their loved ones.’ They are sensitive to the risks inherent in medicine offering treatments that are highly unlikely to benefit cialis 10mg price that patient because it helps those around the patient. They suggest that this may be a vital need nonetheless and the issue is therefore whether there are better ways of fulfilling these ‘existential needs’.Ethics statementsPatient consent for publicationNot required.IntroductionInternationally, pre-hospital registered ambulance clinicians (variously called ambulance clinicians, paramedics and emergency services personnel) are often put in the invidious position of having to make a decision about whether or not to attempt cardiopulmonary resuscitation (CPR) when they attend a call and find a patient whose heart has stopped. About 46% of deaths in the England occur in homes or nursing homes1 and ambulances are often called at times of health crisis, even when a death is expected, if caregivers feel unsure what to do.2 The call has been put out, the ambulance clinician has responded to cialis 10mg price the call.

To do nothing creates certainty around the individual’s death. Where the heart stopping is the final stage of a longer dying process, attempting CPR is likely cialis 10mg price to be futile, as the heart stopping reflects an overall physiological deterioration which CPR cannot reverse. In other circumstances, particularly in cases where the arrest is unexpected and the primary problem is with the heart, it may result in full recovery for the individual. Or it may give the individual a chance of returned circulation, but with great neurological deficit;3 or it may restart the heart briefly, only for the individual to die again.4The ambulance clinician must therefore make a rapid decision with potentially very cialis 10mg price significant repercussions. To protect them from the emotional work—and possible litigation—associated with these decisions, their recently updated UK professional guidance5 recommends.

€œWhere no explicit decision about CPR has been considered and recorded in advance, there should be an initial presumption in favour of CPR.” Clinicians are, however, given the discretion to make decisions not to attempt CPR where they think it would be futile, ‘for example, for a person in the advanced stages of a terminal cialis 10mg price illness where death is imminent and unavoidable’. However, there is no explicit mention of the importance of listening to family members’ views of what the patient would want, nor reference to the legal obligation of the ambulance clinician to follow the Mental Capacity Act 2005 (MCA 2005) and do what is in the patient’s best interests (which would involve taking into consideration what family members/friends and advocates think the patient would want). In the USA, guidance is not included on how to incorporate relatives’ cialis 10mg price views with best interests decisions. Ambulance clinicians have reported that they have not been taught to deal with these decisions6 and that it is often easier for them—both emotionally and logistically—to deliver attempted CPR than to consider withholding it. Relatives, who, after all, have been the ones to place the call in the first place, then feel powerless (and sometimes angry) cialis 10mg price when ambulance clinicians start CPR despite their protestations that this is ‘not what he/she would have wanted’.

In the USA, emergency services personnel have even less discretion than in the UK. In many states, they are bound to start CPR unless a specific Do Not Attempt Cardiopulmonary Resuscitation (DNACPR) is in place, even if the patient has another kind of documentation, for example POLST (Physician Order for Life-Sustaining Treatment) until cialis 10mg price they have spoken to a ‘medical command physician’. They also must continue CPR if it has been started by a bystander even if a DNACPR is in place, until they are told they can stop by a physician.To highlight the moral discomfort experienced and the ethical and legal challenges faced, we present the perspectives of an ambulance clinician and a relative, and then review the legal and ethical framework in which they are operating, before concluding with some suggested changes to policy and guidance which we believe will protect ambulance clinicians, relatives and the patient.Ambulance clinician’s perspective—Rob ColeThe following is a case study to illustrate the grey area faced by ambulance clinicians when they consider they need to make a ‘best interests’ decision on a patient who has arrested. This is a composite case study from my experience of many such calls cialis 10mg price to protect the anonymity of those involved in any individual case.An emergency call was received by the ambulance emergency operations control room. At this stage, it was important to clarify the justification for this call as this directly influences any further decision making.

If the call was for the purpose cialis 10mg price of providing resuscitation to a patient in cardiorespiratory arrest then, as early as this stage, we can determine that at the point of call, somebody (accepting unable to qualify exactly whom) believes that the patient is either clinically indicated for resuscitation or someone believes they would desire or benefit from such an intervention. The caller identified that her husband was experiencing a seizure, and this had lasted for 5 min prior to her calling the ambulance. An ambulance was immediately despatched on this information alone (known as pre-alert dispatch). The location was some 4 min from the crew and they therefore arrived on the scene 5 min post call (in fact, on the crew arrival, cialis 10mg price the caller was still on the phone with the ambulance control centre).The crew were met by a female in her 70s (call with control ended on crew arrival). The crew were, as often is the case, provided with no further details other than that of a male in his 80s with a prolonged seizure.

The ambulance had travelled under emergency conditions to the address cialis 10mg price. The female greeted the crew (who had approached the property with full life-saving emergency equipment). She stated “I think he has gone” in a calm and clear voice cialis 10mg price. She allowed the crew into her home and quickly explained (during the journey to the patient, who is on a bed in the dining room downstairs) that the patient was her husband, that he had been generally unwell for some time (increased frailty, heart failure and developing dementia) and while she had not expected him to die at this point in time, she was not particularly surprised that he had. One member of the crew (double crew) cialis 10mg price prepared the patient for resuscitation, post a period of assessment while the other crew member continued to speak with the patient’s wife to better understand the situation.

The scene looked non-suspicious. The patient was lying peacefully (not breathing and with no heart rate) cialis 10mg price on a bed downstairs, dressed in pyjamas. The patient presented as frail in appearance but other than that, there was no further information of note.The member of the crew that spoke with the wife of the patient and ascertained that the patient was being treated by a general physician for a simple urinary tract , that there was no DNACPR in place as there was no specific requirement for one to have been put in place. No advance decision to refuse treatment (the female had no idea what this was) nor was there any legal power of cialis 10mg price attorney (the patient until this point had been broadly of sound mind with occasional episodes of confusion). As the other member of the ambulance crew commenced resuscitation (CPR), the patient’s wife angrily stated that her husband would not wish for this, nor did she or any member of her family.

She reiterated that the 999 call was due to a cialis 10mg price seizure, and had it been for the purpose of providing resuscitation, she would not have called the emergency services and all agreed that this was not the wish of the patient. Accepting this is not documented anywhere, the patient’s wife explained that these were conversations that had taken place within the family environment, that her husband had a clear view that he would not want to be subjected to any resuscitative efforts should he die, and funeral arrangements had been explored recently by all.To add, the patient’s wife appeared to be of sound mind, no obvious level of confusion and not in any particular state of heightened distress. The son cialis 10mg price of the patient was 10 min away from the address and on his way. A neighbour had also arrived at the property.To summarise, cardiac arrest of a patient in his 80s, not expected to die but family not surprised (had been quite unwell recently), no DNACPR or other documented evidence of the patient’s thoughts, wishes and beliefs. Call for emergency help was to manage a seizure and NOT provide resuscitation.Family carer perspective—Mike StoneWhen my mother died about 10 years ago,7 I might have found myself as a relative trying to prevent a 999 paramedic from attempting cialis 10mg price CPR, but in the event, I found myself being ‘confronted by’ 999 personnel who seemed unable to understand why when my mum died at the end of a peaceful 4-day terminal coma, I had NOT felt the need ‘to phone someone immediately’.

This prompted me to embark on an investigation into end-of-life (EoL) guidance, protocols, mindsets and laws, which revealed to me a situation I can, at best, describe as urgently requiring improvement, especially but not exclusively for EoL-at-home, and which, in complex and confusing situations, protects professionals at the expense of damaging relatives and, sometimes, even patients.From my family carer perspective, this situation has to change. And, the direction of change must be one which improves the support given to patients, by promoting integration between everyone, lay and professional, involved in supporting patients cialis 10mg price. This ‘model’ requires ‘us and us’ as opposed to ‘us and them’. It emphasises teamwork between family carers and the clinicians who are in regular and ongoing contact with the patient, and it replaces ‘multidisciplinary team thinking’, with genuine professional-lay integration.Anyone can listen to a patient—provided you are present to listen cialis 10mg price. If only a relative is present, only the relative can listen.

Often it will require a clinician, such as a 999 paramedic, to confirm that a cialis 10mg price patient is in cardiopulmonary arrest, but the family carer who called 999, is the person most likely to know if the patient would have wanted CPR. Put simply, the clinicians are the experts in the clinical aspects, and the family and friends are the experts in ‘the patient as an individual’.I believe the current guidance around CPR decision-making is unsatisfactory and incoherent, and must be made more sensible and coherent.8–10 Contemporary protocols for ‘expected death’ are also fundamentally flawed.11 Advance decisions often fail to achieve the patient’s objective, apparently because clinicians are risk-averse.12I have only mentioned a few of the more significant problems, and those I have mentioned could, in theory, be addressed by consensus followed by improved training. Other fundamental problems—notably the fact that cialis 10mg price relatively few people have personal experience of caring for a loved one all the way to a death at home—are more problematic.To close this brief and personal analysis, I will give two opinions. The first is that the change required is easy to see, and involves things such as more group-based and ‘diffusely achieved’ decision-making instead of identifiable individuals being invariably associated with and responsible for specific decisions. But it is a change which a hierarchical and process/records-based National Health Service (NHS) would really struggle to come to terms with.13The second is my optimism that growing pressure from patients and relatives will make the changes in behaviour inevitable, because, perhaps surprisingly, of social media.14Legal analysis—Alex Ruck KeeneMike’s experiences speak clearly of the practical problems caused by paramedics misunderstanding the law.If there is a situation in which CPR would simply not work to restart the heart or breathing, then the paramedics would be under no cialis 10mg price duty to attempt it, as there is no duty to seek to carry out a futile procedure.

However, if it appeared that it might work, then the paramedics are, in England and Wales, governed by the MCA 2005. In practice, cialis 10mg price the realities confronted by paramedics are such that the majority of their decision-making will be governed by the MCA 2005. This Act provides a framework for decision-making in relation to those with impaired decision-making capacity which is (unlike legal frameworks in some other jurisdictions) not predicated on there being an automatic proxy decision-maker, such as a ‘next of kin.’ Rather, the Act provides (in s.5) that any person—such as a paramedic—is able to carry out an act of care and treatment in relation to another (‘P’) with protection from liability if they. (1) take reasonable steps to determine whether P has the capacity to cialis 10mg price consent to the act. And (2) if P lacks capacity, that they reasonably believe that they are acting in P’s best interests.In all situations, the first step is to consider whether the person has capacity to make their own decision—to consent to or refuse CPR.

In the scenario presented by Rob Cole, as with almost all situations where CPR is required, the patient was unconscious and there were no practicable steps that could be taken to support him within the time available. Reaching the conclusion that the patient did not have capacity could therefore have been effectively instantaneous.The paramedics had taken reasonable steps to ascertain whether the person had made an advance decision to refuse CPR (as a medical treatment), and that he had not cialis 10mg price made one.This means that they were therefore required to decide whether it was in his best interests for them to attempt it.‘Best interests’ is, deliberately, not defined in the MCA 2005. However, s.4 sets out a series of matters that must be considered whenever a person is determining what is in the person’s best interests to allow them to have a reasonable belief as to they are acting in those best interests. It is extremely cialis 10mg price important to recognise that the MCA 2005 does not specify what is in the person’s best interests. Rather, it sets down a process by which that conclusion should be reached, which recognises that a lack of decision-making capacity is not an ‘off-switch’ for their rights and freedom (Wye Valley NHS Trust v- Mr B ]2015[ EWCOP 60 in paragraph 11).

The process aims to construct a decision on behalf of cialis 10mg price the person who cannot make that decision themselves. As the Supreme Court emphasised in Aintree University NHS Hospitals Trust v James [2014] UKSC 67 “[t]he purpose of the best interests test is to consider matters from the patient’s point of view.” It is critically important to understand that the purpose of the decision-making process is to try to arrive at the decision that is the right decision for the person themselves, as an individual human being, and not the decision that best fits with the outcome that the professionals desire. Any information about the patient’s wishes, feelings, cialis 10mg price beliefs and values will be relevant, including, in particular, preferences and recommendations documented when the person had capacity.Consultation will also be required with those who could shed light on the person’s likely decision, here his wife. The case of Winspear v City Hospitals Sunderland NHS Foundation Trust [2015] EWHC 3250 (QB) made clear that a failure to consult where it is practicable and appropriate will mean that professionals cannot then rely on the defence in s.5 of MCA to what might otherwise be criminal acts.In making a best interests decision about giving life-sustaining treatment, there is always a strong presumption that it will be in the patient’s best interests to prolong his or her life, and the decision-maker must not be motivated by a desire to bring about the person’s death for whatever reason, even if this is from a sense of compassion. However, the strong presumption in favour of prolonging life can be displaced where:There is clear evidence that the person would not want the treatment in question in the circumstances that have arisen.The treatment itself would be overly burdensome for the patient, in particular by reference to whether the patient accepts invasive and uncomfortable interventions or prefers to cialis 10mg price be kept comfortable.There is no prospect that the treatment will return the patient to a state of a quality of life that the patient would regard as worthwhile.

The important viewpoint is that of the patient, not of the doctors or healthcare professionals.Case law has made clear that the weight that is to be attached to the reliably ascertainable views of the person should be given very substantial, if not determinative, weight (Re AB (Termination of Pregnancy) [2019) EWCA Civ 1215]. In a case such as that described in the scenario of the ambulance clinician, and given the clarity of the views expressed by the man’s wife in relation to what he would have wanted, the paramedics could properly conclude that attempting CPR was cialis 10mg price not in his best interests. The Supreme Court has confirmed that they should not then attempt it. NHS Trust v Y [2018] UKSC 22.Drawing the legal threads together, therefore, in a situation such as this:Unless the paramedics have a proper reason to doubt the good faith of the family member present, they should proceed on cialis 10mg price the basis that they are reliable in relaying what the person would have wanted.The paramedics can then either start or not start CPR accordingly because they have the necessary reasonable belief that they are acting in the person’s best interests.If there is reason to doubt the good faith of the family member present, or the family member does not (or cannot) relay clear views, the paramedics should start CPR. It may be that after they have started, they are able to glean further information which makes the picture clearer and enables them to decide whether continuing is in the patient’s best interests.Ethical overview and proposals for change—Zoë Fritz (and other authors)Law, ethical principles and professional clinical guidelines influence each other.15 In an ideal system, this would ensure just care with recognition of the rights of practitioners and patients.

When it works badly, the ‘letter of the law’ is cialis 10mg price followed, even when it runs counter to good ethics, with potentially devastating personal consequences. The composite scenario and personal events, described above by an ambulance clinician and a family member, reflect examples of where medical practitioners believed they were following the law, but where their actions could be argued to have been unethical.In contrast, a related example of the law working positively to overturn accepted clinical guidance and practice, is around the need to discuss a decision not to attempt CPR with a patient. The 2007 joint guidance issued by the British Medical Association, Royal College of Nursing and the Resuscitation Council (UK) (2007) stated cialis 10mg price. €œWhen a clinical decision is made that CPR should not be attempted, because it will not be successful, and the patient has not expressed a wish to discuss CPR, it is not necessary or appropriate to initiate discussion with the patient to explore their wishes regarding CPR.” The case of Janet Tracey challenged this. The judges in the court of appeal found that not discussing a decision to withhold CPR with a patient was in breach of their human rights (Article 8 European Convention on Human Rights) as it deprived them of the right to question the clinical decision or ask for a second opinion, particularly cialis 10mg price in the context of a potentially life-saving treatment.16 Clinicians rapidly changed their practice.

In fact, the whole nature of CPR conversations was altered to ensure that it was not considered in isolation, but always discussed within overall goals of care. In being forced to discuss CPR with patients, doctors reconsidered the conversation, what it meant and cialis 10mg price when it could and should occur.17The ReSPECT (Recommended Summary Plan for Emergency Care and Treatment) process emerged from this as a way of nudging doctors and patients into having better conversations and documentation of agreed recommendations;18 it is now used in more than 130 trusts.19While, at first glance, there may appear to be ethical and legal tensions in the scenarios described above, it is possible that good training and professional guidance would dispel them. If families were better supported to understand what may happen where a loved one dies at home, they would be better equipped to deal with the crisis when it came. Specific resources are cialis 10mg price needed. If, for example, there had been a specific number to call for an expected death, other than 999, in the two deaths reported here, then neither of these upsetting scenarios would have occurred.

As mentioned above, social media may be another positive force in both applying pressure for change, and in acting as a leveller in terms of access to information.If the professional guidance and other material—published by Joint Royal Colleges Ambulance Liaison Committee, Royal College of Nursing, Resuscitation Council UK and so on—stated clearly that, where death was expected and CPR appeared to be futile, even in the absence of a DNACPR or ReSPECT form, an ambulance clinician or qualified nurse could decide that attempting CPR was clinically pointless or potentially harmful, then clinicians would not need to choose between what they considered morally right and what they had to cialis 10mg price do to protect their professional registration.The new JRCALC guidance takes this into account, and it is likely that other guidance will also be explicit about this in the future. They should also be explicit about the role of the MCA and best interests decisions. An honest cialis 10mg price carer, family member who protests, “… but my husband would definitely not want CPR—don’t do that!. € may be perceived as applying the MCA to her own determination of what is in her husband’s best interests, even if the wife has no awareness of the MCA.If the ambulance clinicians were taught clearly that acting in the patient’s ‘best interests’ in this scenario most often meant doing as the relatives asked, then the (frequently internalised) concern that they were choosing between what was right for the patient and what was right for the patient’s relative would be abolished, and the associated moral discomfort diminished. We recognise that there will, in some cases, be a different tension—where the ambulance clinician considers that the CPR will not be successful but the relatives want it to cialis 10mg price take place.

But this is where the distinction between the ambulance clinician as the expert in the medical procedure and the relative as the expert in the person comes in—nobody can demand medical treatment which is inappropriate, and CPR is no different.The guidance and the training should emphasise the teawork which Mike Stone mentions above. The default assumption should be that clinicians and relatives have a shared goal of what is best for the patient, and work together as ‘us and us’ as opposed to ‘us and them’.Data availability statementThere are no data in this work.Ethics statementsPatient consent for publicationNot required..

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AbstractBrazil is what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take http://www.svb-burgdorf.de/hallo-welt/ currently home to the largest Japanese population outside of Japan. In Brazil today, Japanese-Brazilians are considered to be successful members of Brazilian society. This was not always the case, however, and Japanese immigrants to Brazil endured much hardship to attain their what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take current level of prestige. This essay explores this community’s trajectory towards the formation of the Japanese-Brazilian identity and the issues of mental health that arise in this immigrant community.

Through the analysis of Japanese-Brazilian novels, TV shows, film and public health studies, I seek to disentangle the themes of gender and modernisation, and how these themes concurrently grapple with Japanese-Brazilian mental health issues. These fictional narratives provide a lens into the experience of the Japanese-Brazilian community that is unavailable in traditional medical studies about their mental health.filmliterature and medicinemental health caregender studiesmedical humanitiesData availability statementData are available in a public, open access repository.Introduction and philosophical backgroundWork in the medical humanities has noted the what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take importance of the ‘medical gaze’ and how it may ‘see’ the patient in ways which are specific, while possessing broad significance, in relation to developing medical knowledge. To diagnosis. And to the social position of the medical profession.1 Some authors have emphasised that vision is a distinctive modality of perception which merits its own consideration, and which may what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take have a particular role to play in medical education and understanding.2 3 The clothing we wear has a strong impact on how we are perceived.

For example, commentary in this journal on the ‘white coat’ observes that while it may rob the medical doctor of individuality, it nonetheless grants an elevated status4. In contrast, the patient hospital gown may rob patients of individuality in a way that stigmatises them,5 reducing their status in the ward, and ultimately dehumanises them, in conflict with the humanistic approaches seen as central to the best practice in the care of older patients, and particularly those living with dementia.6The broad context of our concern is the visibility of patients and their needs. We draw what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take on observations made during an ethnographic study of the everyday care of people living with dementia within acute hospital wards, to consider how patients’ clothing may impact on the way they were perceived by themselves and by others. Hence, we draw on this ethnography to contribute to discussion of the ‘medical gaze’ in a specific and informative context.The acute setting illustrates a situation in which there are great many biomedical, technical, recording, and timetabled routine task-oriented demands, organised and delivered by different staff members, together with demands for care and attention to particular individuals and an awareness of their needs.

Within this ward setting, we focus on patients who are living with dementia, since this group may be particularly vulnerable to a dehumanising gaze.6 We frame our discussion within the broader context of the general philosophical question of how we acquire knowledge of different types, and the moral consequences of this, particularly knowledge through visual perception.Debates throughout the history of philosophy raise questions about the nature and sources of our knowledge. Contrasts are often drawn between more reliable or less reliable knowledge what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take. And between knowledge that is more technical or ‘objective’, and knowledge that is more emotionally based or more ‘subjective’. A frequent point what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take of discussion is the reliability and characteristics of perception as a source of knowledge.

This epistemological discussion is mostly focused on vision, indicating its particular importance as a mode of perception to humans.7Likewise, in ethics, there is discussion of the origin of our moral knowledge and the particular role of perception.8 There is frequent recognition that the observer has some significant role in acquiring moral knowledge. Attention to qualities of the moral observer is not in itself a denial of moral reality. Indeed, it is the very essence of an ethical response what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take to the world to recognise the deep reality of others as separate persons. The nature of ethical attention to the world and to those around us is debated and has been articulated in various ways.

The quality of ethical attention may vary and achieving a high level of ethical attention may require certain conditions, certain virtues, and the time and mental space to attend to the situation and claims of the other.9Consideration has already been given to how different modes of attention to the world might be of relevance to the practice of medicine. Work that examines different ways of processing information, and of interacting with and being in the world, can be found in Iain McGilchrist’s The Master and His Emissary,10 where he draws on neurological discoveries and applies his ideas to the development what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take of human culture. McGilchrist has recently expanded on the relevance of understanding two different approaches to knowledge for the practice of medicine.11 He argues that task-oriented perception, and a wider, more emotionally attuned awareness of the environment are necessary partners, but may in some circumstances compete, with the competitive edge often being given to the narrower, task-based attention.There has been critique of McGilchrist’s arguments as well as much support. We find his work a useful framework for understanding important debates in the ethics of medicine and of nursing what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take about relationships of staff to patients.

In particular, it helps to illuminate the consequences of patients’ dress and personal appearance for how they are seen and treated.Dementia and personal appearanceOur work focuses on patients living with dementia admitted to acute hospital wards. Here, they are a large group, present alongside older patients unaffected by dementia, as well as younger patients. This mixed population provides a useful setting to consider the impact of what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take personal appearance on different patient groups.The role of appearance in the presentation of the self has been explored extensively by Tseëlon,12 13 drawing on Goffman’s work on stigma5 and the presentation of the self14 using interactionist approaches. Drawing on the experiences on women in the UK, Tseëlon argues Goffman’s interactionist approach best supports how we understand the relationship appearance plays in self presentation, and its relationships with other signs and interactions surrounding it.

Tseëlon suggests that understandings in this area, in the role appearance and clothing have in the presentation of the self, have been restricted by the perceived trivialities of the topic and limited to the field of fashion studies.15The personal appearance of older patients, and patients living with dementia in particular, has, more recently, been shown to be worthy of attention and of particular significance. Older people are often assumed to be left out of fashion, yet a concern with appearance remains.16 17 Lack of attention to clothing and to personal care may be one sign of the varied symptoms associated with cognitive impairment or dementia, and so conversely, attention to appearance is one way of combatting what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take the stigma associated with dementia. Families and carers may also feel the importance of personal appearance. The significant body of work by Twigg and Buse in this field in particular draws attention to the role clothing has on what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take preserving the identity and dignity or people living with dementia, while also constraining and enabling elements of care within long-term community settings.16–19 Within this paper, we examine the ways in which these phenomena can be even more acutely felt within the impersonal setting of the acute hospital.Work has also shown how people living with dementia strongly retain a felt, bodily appreciation for the importance of personal appearance.

The comfort and sensuous feel of familiar clothing may remain, even after cognitive capacities such as the ability to recognise oneself in a mirror, or verbal fluency, are lost.18 More strongly still, Kontos,20–22 drawing on the work of Merleau-Ponty and of Bourdieu, has convincingly argued that this attention to clothing and personal appearance is an important aspect of the maintenance of a bodily sense of self, which is also socially mediated, in part via such attention to appearance. Our observations lend support to Kontos’ hypothesis.Much of this previous work has considered clothing in the everyday life of people living with dementia in the context of community or long-term residential care.18 Here, we look at the visual impact of clothing and appearance in the different setting of the hospital ward and consider the consequent implications for patient care. This setting enables us to consider how the short-term and unfamiliar environments of the acute ward, together with the contrast between personal and institutional attire, impact on the perception of the patient by self and by others.There is a body of literature that examines the work of restoring the appearance of residents within long-term what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take community care settings, for instance Ward et al’s work that demonstrates the importance of hair and grooming as a key component of care.23 24 The work of Iltanen-Tähkävuori25 examines the usage of garments designed for long-term care settings, exploring the conflict between clothing used to prevent undressing or facilitate the delivery of care, and the distress such clothing can cause, being powerfully symbolic of lower social status and associated with reduced autonomy.26 27Within this literature, there has also been a significant focus on the role of clothing, appearance and the tasks of personal care surrounding it, on the older female body. A corpus of feminist literature has examined the ageing process and the use of clothing to conceal ageing, the presentation of a younger self, or a ‘certain’ age28 It argues that once the ability to conceal the ageing process through clothing and grooming has been lost, the aged person must instead conceal themselves, dressing to hide themselves and becoming invisible in the process.29 This paper will explore how institutional clothing within hospital wards affects both the male and female body, the presentation of the ageing body and its role in reinforcing the invisibility of older people, at a time when they are paradoxically most visible, unclothed and undressed, or wearing institutional clothing within the hospital ward.Institutional clothing is designed and used to fulfil a practical function.

Its use may therefore perhaps incline us towards a ‘task-based’ mode of attention, which as McGilchrist argues,10 while having a vital place in our understanding of the world, may on occasion interfere with the forms of attention that may be needed to deliver good person-oriented care responsive to individual needs.MethodsEthnography involves the in-depth study of people’s actions and accounts within their natural everyday setting, collecting relatively unstructured data from a range of sources.30 Importantly, it can take into account the perspectives of patients, carers and hospital staff.31 Our approach to ethnography is informed by the symbolic interactionist research tradition, which aims to provide an interpretive understanding of the social world, with an emphasis on interaction, focusing on understanding how action and meaning are constructed within a setting.32 The value of this approach is the depth of understanding and theory generation it can provide.33The goal of ethnography is to identify social processes within the data. There are multiple complex and nuanced interactions within these clinical settings that are capable of ‘communicating many messages at once, even of subverting on one level what it appears to be “saying” on another’.34 Thus, what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take it is important to observe interaction and performance. How everyday care work is organised and delivered. By obtaining observational data from within each institution on the everyday work of hospital wards, their family carers and the nursing and what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take healthcare assistants (HCAs) who carry out this work, we can explore the ways in which hospital organisation, procedures and everyday care impact on care during a hospital admission.

It remedies a common weakness in many qualitative studies, that what people say in interviews may differ from what they do or their private justifications to others.35Data collection (observations and interviews) and analysis were informed by the analytic tradition of grounded theory.36 There was no prior hypothesis testing and we used the constant comparative method and theoretical sampling whereby data collection (observation and interview data) and analysis are inter-related,36 37 and are carried out concurrently.38 39 The flexible nature of this approach is important, because it can allow us to increase the ‘analytic incisiveness’35 of the study. Preliminary analysis of data collected from individual sites informed the focus of later stages of sampling, data collection and analysis in other sites.Thus, sampling requires a flexible, pragmatic approach and purposive and maximum variation sampling (theoretical sampling) was used. This included five hospitals selected to represent a range of hospitals types, geographies and socioeconomic catchments what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take. Five hospitals were purposefully selected to represent a range of hospitals types.

Two large university teaching hospitals, two medium-sized general hospitals and one smaller general hospital. This included one urban, two inner city and two hospitals covering a mix of rural and suburban catchment areas, all situated within England and Wales.These sites represented a range of expertise and interventions in caring for people with dementia, from no formal expertise to the what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take deployment of specialist dementia workers. Fractures, nutritional disorders, urinary tract and pneumonia40 41 are among the principal causes of admission to acute hospital settings among people with dementia. Thus, we focused observation within trauma and orthopaedic wards (80 days) and medical assessment units (MAU what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take.

75 days).Across these sites, 155 days of observational fieldwork were carried out. At each of the five sites, a minimum of 30 days observation took place, split between the two ward types. Observations were carried out by two researchers, each working in clusters of what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take 2–4 days over a 6-week period at each site. A single day of observation could last a minimum of 2 hours and a maximum of 12 hours.

A total of 684 hours of observation were conducted for this study. This produced approximately 600 000 words of observational fieldnotes that were transcribed, cleaned and anonymised (by KF what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take and AN). We also carried out ethnographic (during observation) interviews with trauma and orthopaedic ward (192 ethnographic interviews and 22 group interviews) and MAU (222 ethnographic interviews) staff (including nurses, HCAs, auxiliary and support staff and medical teams) as they cared for this patient group. This allowed us to what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take question what they are doing and why, and what are the caring practices of ward staff when interacting with people living with dementia.Patients within these settings with a diagnosis of dementia were identified through ward nursing handover notes, patient records and board data with the assistance of ward staff.

Following the provision of written and verbal information about the study, and the expression of willingness to take part, written consent was taken from patients, staff and visitors directly observed or spoken to as part of the study.To optimise the generalisability of our findings,42 our approach emphasises the importance of comparisons across sites,43 with theoretical saturation achieved following the search for negative cases, and on exploring a diverse and wide range of data. When no additional empirical data were found, we concluded that the analytical categories were saturated.36 44Grounded theory and ethnography are complementary traditions, with grounded theory strengthening the ethnographic aims of achieving a theoretical interpretation of the data, while the ethnographic approach prevents a rigid application of grounded theory.35 Using an ethnographic approach can mean that everything within a setting is treated as data, which can lead to large volumes of unconnected data and a descriptive analysis.45 This approach provides a middle ground in which the ethnographer, often seen as a passive observer of the social world, uses grounded theory to provide a systematic approach to data collection and analysis that can be used to develop theory to address the interpretive realities of participants within this setting.35Patient and public involvementThe data presented in this paper are drawn from a wider ethnographic study supported by an advisory group of people living with dementia and their family carers. It was this advisory group that informed us of the what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take need of a better understanding of the impacts of the everyday care received by people living with dementia in acute hospital settings. The authors met with this group on a regular basis throughout the study, and received guidance on both the design of the study and the format of written materials used to recruit participants to the study.

The external oversight group for this study included, and was chaired, by carers of people living with dementia. Once data analysis was complete, the advisory group commented on our what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take initial findings and recommendations. During and on completion of the analysis, a series of public consultation events were held with people living with dementia and family carers to ensure their involvement in discussing, informing and refining our analysis.FindingsWithin this paper, we focus on exploring the medical gaze through the embedded institutional cultures of patient clothing, and the implications this have for patients living with dementia within acute hospital wards. These findings emerged from our wider analysis of our ethnographic study what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take examining ward cultures of care and the experiences of people living with dementia.

Here, we examine the ways in which the cultures of clothing within wards impact on the visibility of patients within it, what clothing and identity mean within the ward and the ways in which clothing can be a source of distress. We will look at how personal grooming and appearance can affect status within the ward, and finally explore the removal of clothing, and the impacts of its absence.Ward clothing culturesAcross our sites, there was variation in the cultures of patient clothing and dress. Within many wards, it was typical for all older patients to be dressed in hospital-issued institutional gowns and pyjamas (typically in pastel blue, pink, green or peach), paired with hospital supplied socks (usually what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take bright red, although there was some small variation) with non-slip grip soles, while in other wards, it was standard practice for people to be supported to dress in their own clothes. Across all these wards, we observed that younger patients (middle aged/working age) were more likely to be able to wear their own clothes while admitted to a ward, than older patients and those with a dementia diagnosis.Among key signifiers of social status and individuality are the material things around the person, which in these hospital wards included the accoutrements around the bedside.

Significantly, it was observed that people living with dementia were more likely to be wearing an institutional hospital gown or institutional pyjamas, and to have little to individuate the person at the bedside, on either their cabinet or the mobile tray table at their bedside. The wearing of institutional clothing was what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take typically connected to fewer personal items on display or within reach of the patient, with any items tidied away out of sight. In contrast, younger working age patients often had many personal belongings, cards, gadgets, books, media players, with young adults also often having a range of ‘get well soon’ gifts, balloons and so on from the hospital gift shop) on display. This both afforded some elements of familiarity, but also marked the person out as someone with individuality and a certain social standing and place.Visibility of patients on what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take a wardThe significance of the obscurity or invisibility of the patient in artworks depicting doctors has been commented on.4 Likewise, we observed that some patients within these wards were much more ‘visible’ to staff than others.

It was often apparent how the wearing of personal clothing could make the patient and their needs more readily visible to others as a person. This may be especially so given the contrast in appearance clothing may produce in this particular setting. On occasion, this may be remarked on by staff, and the resulting attention received favourably by the patient.A member of the bay team what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take returned to a patient and found her freshly dressed in a white tee shirt, navy slacks and black velvet slippers and exclaimed aloud and appreciatively, ‘Wow, look at you!. €™ The patient looked pleased as she sat and combed her hair [site 3 day 1].Such a simple act of recognition as someone with a socially approved appearance takes on a special significance in the context of an acute hospital ward, and for patients living with dementia whose personhood may be overlooked in various ways.46This question of visibility of patients may also be particularly important when people living with dementia may be less able to make their needs and presence known.

In this example, a whole bay of patients was seemingly ‘invisible’. Here, the ethnographer is observing what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take a four-bed bay occupied by male patients living with dementia.The man in bed 17 is sitting in his bedside chair. He is dressed in green hospital issue pyjamas and yellow grip socks. At 10 what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take a.m., the physiotherapy team come and see him.

The physiotherapist crouches down in front of him and asks him how he is. He says he is unhappy, and the physiotherapist explains that she’ll be back later to see him again. The nurse checks on what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take him, asks him if he wants a pillow, and puts it behind his head explaining to him, ‘You need to sit in the chair for a bit’. She pulls his bedside trolley near to him.

With the help of a Healthcare Assistant they make the bed. The Healthcare Assistant chats to him, puts cake out for him, and what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take puts a blanket over his legs. He is shaking slightly and I wonder if he is cold.The nurse explains to me, ‘The problem is this is a really unstimulating environment’, then says to the patient, ‘All done, let’s have a bit of a tidy up,’ before wheeling the equipment out.The neighbouring patient in bed 18, is now sitting in his bedside chair, wearing (his own) striped pyjamas. His eyes what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take are open, and he is looking around.

After a while, he closes his eyes and dozes. The team chat to patient 19 behind the curtains. He says he doesn’t want to sit, and they say that is fine unless the doctors tell them otherwise.The nurse puts music on an old radio with a CD player which is what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take at the doorway near the ward entrance. It sounds like music from a musical and the ward it is quite noisy suddenly.

She turns down the volume a bit, but it is very jaunty and upbeat. The man in what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take bed 19 quietly sings along to the songs. €˜I am going to see my baby when I go home on victory day…’At ten thirty, the nurse goes off on her break. The rest what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take of the team are spread around the other bays and side rooms.

There are long distances between bays within this ward. After all the earlier activity it is now very calm and peaceful in the bay. Patient 20 is sitting in what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take the chair tapping his feet to the music. He has taken out a large hessian shopping bag out of his cabinet and is sorting through the contents.

There is a lot of paperwork in it what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take which he is reading through closely and sorting.Opposite, patient 17 looks very uncomfortable. He is sitting with two pillows behind his back but has slipped down the chair. His head is in his hands and he suddenly looks in pain. He hasn’t touched his tea, what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take and is talking to himself.

The junior medic was aware that 17 was not comfortable, and it had looked like she was going to get some advice, but she hasn’t come back. 18 drinks his tea and looks at a wool twiddle mitt sleeve, puts it down, and dozes. 19 has finished all his coffee and manages what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take to put the cup down on the trolley.Everyone is tapping their feet or wiggling their toes to the music, or singing quietly to it, when a student nurse, who is working at the computer station in the corridor outside the room, comes in. She has a strong purposeful stride and looks irritated as she switches the music off.

It feels what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take like a jolt to the room. She turns and looks at me and says, ‘Sorry were you listening to it?. €™ I tell her that I think these gentlemen were listening to it.She suddenly looks very startled and surprised and looks at the men in the room for the first time. They have what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take all stopped tapping their toes and stopped singing along.

She turns it back on but asks me if she can turn it down. She leaves and goes back to her paperwork outside. Once it is turned back on everyone starts tapping their what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take toes again. The music plays on.

€˜There’ll be bluebirds over the white cliffs of Dover, just you wait and see…’[Site 3 day 3]The music was played by staff to help combat the drab and unstimulating environment of this hospital ward for the what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take patients, the very people the ward is meant to serve. Yet for this member of ward staff the music was perceived as a nuisance, the men for whom the music was playing seemingly did not register to her awareness. Only an individual of ‘higher’ status, the researcher, sitting at the end of this room was visible to her. This example illustrates the general question of the what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take visibility or otherwise of patients.

Focusing on our immediate topic, there may be complex pathways through which clothing may impact on how patients living with dementia are perceived, and on their self-perception.Clothing and identityOn these wards, we also observed how important familiar aspects of appearance were to relatives. Family members may be distressed if they find the person they knew so well, looking markedly different. In the example below, a mother and two adult daughters visit the father of the family, who is not visible to them as what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take the person they were so familiar with. His is not wearing his glasses, which are missing, and his daughters find this very difficult.

Even though he looks very different following his admission—he has lost a large amount of weight and has sunken cheekbones, and his skin has taken on a darker hue—it is his glasses which are a key concern for the family in their recognition of their father:As I enter the corridor to go back to the ward, I meet the wife and what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take daughter of the patient in bed 2 in the hall and walk with them back to the ward. Their father looks very frail, his head is back, and his face is immobile, his eyes are closed, and his mouth is open. His skin looks darker than before, and his cheekbones and eye sockets are extremely prominent from weight loss. €˜I am what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take like a bird I want to fly away…’ plays softly in the radio in the bay.

I sit with them for a bit and we chat—his wife holds his hand as we talk. His wife has to take two busses to get to the hospital and we talk about the potential care home they expect her husband will be discharged to. They hope what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take it will be close because she does not drive. He isn’t wearing his glasses and his daughter tells me that they can’t find them.

We look in the what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take bedside cabinet. She has never seen her dad without his glasses. €˜He doesn’t look like my dad without his glasses’ [Site 2 day 15].It was often these small aspects of personal clothing and grooming that prompted powerful responses from visiting family members. Missing glasses and missing teeth were notable in what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take this regard (and with the follow-up visits from the relatives of discharged patients trying to retrieve these now lost objects).

The location of these possessions, which could have a medical purpose in the case of glasses, dental prosthetics, hearing aids or accessories which contained personal and important aspects of a patient’s identity, such as wallets or keys, and particularly, for female patients, handbags, could be a prominent source of distress for individuals. These accessories to personal clothing were notable on these wards by their everyday absence, hidden away in bedside cupboards or simply not brought in with the patient at admission, and by the frequency with which patients requested and called out for them or tried to look for them, often in repetitive cycles that indicated their underlying anxiety about these belongings, but which would become invisible to staff, becoming an everyday background intrusion to the work of the wards.When considering the visibility and recognition of individual persons, missing glasses, especially glasses for distance vision, have a particular significance, for without them, a person may be less able to recognise and interact visually with others. Their presence facilitates the subject of the gaze, in gazing what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take back, and hence helps to ground meaningful and reciprocal relationships of recognition. This may be one factor behind the distress of relatives in finding their loved ones’ glasses to be absent.Clothing as a source of distressAcross all sites, we observed patients living with dementia who exhibited obvious distress at aspects of their institutional apparel and at the absence of their own personal clothing.

Some older patients were clearly able to verbalise their understandings of the impacts of what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take wearing institutional clothing. One patient remarked to a nurse of her hospital blue tracksuit. €˜I look like an Olympian or Wentworth prison in this outfit!. The latter I expect…’ The staff laughed as they walked her out of the bay what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take (site 3 day 1).Institutional clothing may be a source of distress to patients, although they may be unable to express this verbally.

Kontos has shown how people living with dementia may retain an awareness at a bodily level of the demands of etiquette.20 Likewise, in our study, a man living with dementia, wearing a very large institutional pyjama top, which had no collar and a very low V neck, continually tried to pull it up to cover his chest. The neckline was particularly low, because the pyjamas were far too large for him. He continued to fiddle with his very low-necked top even when his lunch tray was placed in front what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take of him. He clearly felt very uncomfortable with such clothing.

He continued using his hands to try to pull it up to cover his exposed chest, during and after the meal was finished (site 3 day 5).For some patients, the communication of this distress in relation to clothing may be liable to misinterpretation and may have further impacts on how they are viewed within the ward what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take. Here, a patient living with dementia recently admitted to this ward became tearful and upset after having a shower. She had no fresh clothes, and so the team had provided her with a pink hospital gown to wear.‘I want my trousers, where is my bra, I’ve got no bra on.’ It is clear she doesn’t feel right without her own clothes on. The one-to-one healthcare assistant assigned to this patient tells her, ‘Your bra what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take is dirty, do you want to wear that?.

€™ She replies, ‘No I want a clean one. Where are my trousers?. I want them, I’ve lost them.’ The healthcare assistant repeats the explaination that her clothes are what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take dirty, and asks her, ‘Do you want your dirty ones?. €™ She is very teary ‘No, I want my clean ones.’ The carer again explains that they are dirty.The cleaner who always works in the ward arrives to clean the floor and sweeps around the patient as she sits in her chair, and as he does this, he says ‘Hello’ to her.

She is what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take very teary and explains that she has lost her clothes. The cleaner listens sympathetically as she continues ‘I am all confused. I have lost my clothes. I am all what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take confused.

How am I going to go to the shops with no clothes on!. €™ (site 5 day 5).This person experienced significant distress because of her absent clothes, but this would often be simply attributed to confusion, seen as a feature of her dementia. This then may solidify staff perceptions of her what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take condition. However, we need to consider that rather than her condition (her diagnosis of dementia) causing distress about clothing, the direction of causation may be the reverse.

The absence what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take of her own familiar clothing contributes significantly to her distress and disorientation. Others have argued that people with limited verbal capacity and limited cognitive comprehension will have a direct appreciation of the grounding familiarity of wearing their own clothes, which give a bodily felt notion of comfort and familiarity.18 47 Familiar clothing may then be an essential prop to anchor the wearer within a recognisable social and meaningful space. To simply see clothing from a task-oriented point of view, as fulfilling a simply mechanical function, and that all clothing, whether personal or institutional have the same value and role, might be to interpret the desire to wear familiar clothing as an ‘optional extra’. However, for those patients most at risk of disorientation and distress within an unfamiliar environment, what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take it could be a valuable necessity.Personal grooming and social statusIncluding in our consideration of clothing, we observed other aspects of the role of personal grooming.

Personal grooming was notable by its absence beyond the necessary cleaning required for reasons of immediate hygiene and clinical need (such as the prevention of pressure ulcers). Older patients, and particular those living with dementia who were unable to carry out ‘self-care’ independently and were not able to request support with personal grooming, could, over their admission, become visibly unkempt and scruffy, hair could be left unwashed, uncombed and unstyled, while men could become hirsute through a lack of shaving. The simple act of a visitor dressing and grooming a patient as they prepared for discharge could transform their appearance and leave that patient looking more alert, appear to having increased capacity, than when sitting ungroomed in their bed or bedside chair.It is important to consider the impact of appearance and of personal what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take care in the context of an acute ward. Kontos’ work examining life in a care home, referred to earlier, noted that people living with dementia may be acutely aware of transgressions in grooming and appearance, and noted many acts of self-care with personal appearance, such as stopping to apply lipstick, and conformity with high standards of table manners.

Clothing, etiquette and personal grooming are important indicators of social class and hence an aspect of belonging and identity, and of how an individual relates to what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take a wider group. In Kontos’ findings, these rituals and standards of appearance were also observed in negative reactions, such as expressions of disgust, towards those residents who breached these standards. Hence, even in cases where an individual may be assessed as having considerable cognitive impairment, the importance of personal appearance must not be overlooked.For some patients within these wards, routine practices of everyday care at the bedside can increase the potential to influence whether they feel and appear socially acceptable. The delivery of routine timetabled care at the bedside can impact on people’s appearance in ways that what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take may mark them out as failing to achieve accepted standards of embodied personhood.

The task-oriented timetabling of mealtimes may have significance. It was a typical observed feature of this routine, when a mealtime has ended, that people living with dementia were left with visible signs and features of the mealtime through spillages on faces, clothes, bed sheets and bedsides, that leave them at risk of being assessed as less socially acceptable and marked as having reduced independence. For example, a volunteer attempts to ‘feed’ a person living with dementia, when she gives up and leave the bedside (this woman living with dementia has resisted her attempts and explicitly says ‘no’), remnants of the food is left spread around her mouth (site E) what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take. In a different ward, the mealtime has ended, yet a large white plastic bib to prevent food spillages remains attached around the neck of a person living with dementia who is unable to remove it (site X).Of note, an adult would not normally wear a white plastic bib at home or in a restaurant.

It signifies a task-based what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take apparel that is demeaning to an individual’s social status. This example also contrasts poignantly with examples from Kontos’ work,20 such as that of a female who had little or no ability to verbalise, but who nonetheless would routinely take her pearl necklace out from under her bib at mealtimes, showing she retained an acute awareness of her own appearance and the ‘right’ way to display this symbol of individuality, femininity and status. Likewise, Kontos gives the example of a resident who at mealtimes ‘placed her hand on her chest, to prevent her blouse from touching the food as she leaned over her plate’.20Patients who are less robust, who have cognitive impairments, who may be liable to disorientation and whose agency and personhood are most vulnerable are thus those for whom appropriate and familiar clothing may be most advantageous. However, we found the ‘Matthew effect’ to be frequently in what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take operation.

To those who have the least, even that which they have will be taken away.48 Although there may be institutional and organisational rationales for putting a plastic cover over a patient, leaving it on for an extended period following a meal may act as a marker of dehumanising loss of social status. By being able to maintain familiar clothing and adornment to visually display social standing and identity, a person living with dementia may maintain a continuity of selfhood.However, it is also possible that dressing and grooming an older person may itself be a task-oriented institutional activity in certain contexts, as discussed by Lee-Treweek49 in the context of a nursing home preparing residents for ‘lounge view’ where visitors would see them, using residents to ‘create a visual product for others’ sometimes to the detriment of residents’ needs. Our observations regarding the importance of patient appearance must therefore be considered as part of the care of what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take the whole person and a significant feature of the institutional culture.Patient status and appearanceWithin these wards, a new grouping of class could become imposed on patients. We understand class not simply as socioeconomic class but as an indicator of the strata of local social organisation to which an individual belongs.

Those in the lowest classes may have limited opportunities to participate in society, what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take and we observed the ways in which this applied to the people living with dementia within these acute wards. The differential impact of clothing as signifiers of social status has also been observed in a comparison of the white coat and the patient gown.4 It has been argued that while these both may help to mask individuality, they have quite different effects on social status on a ward. One might say that the white coat increases visibility as a person of standing and the attribution of agency, the patient gown diminishes both of these. (Within these what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take wards, although white coats were not to be found, the dress code of medical staff did make them stand out.

For male doctors, for example, the uniform rarely strayed beyond chinos paired with a blue oxford button down shirt, sleeves rolled up, while women wore a wider range of smart casual office wear.) Likewise, we observed that the same arrangement of attire could be attributed to entirely different meanings for older patients with or without dementia.Removal of clothes and exposureWithin these wards, we observed high levels of behaviour perceived by ward staff as people living with dementia displaying ‘resistance’ to care.50 This included ‘resistance’ towards institutional clothing. This could include pulling up or removing hospital gowns, removing institutional pyjama trousers or pulling up gowns, and standing with gowns untied and exposed at the back (although this last example is an unavoidable design feature of the clothing itself). Importantly, the removal of clothing was limited to institutional gowns and pyjamas and what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take we did not see any patients removing their own clothing. This also included the removal of institutional bedding, with instances of patients pulling or kicking sheets from their bed.

These acts could and what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take was often interpreted by ward staff as a patient’s ‘resistance’ to care. There was some variation in this interpretation. However, when an individual patient response to their institutional clothing and bedding was repeated during a shift, it was more likely to be conceived by the ward team as a form of resistance to their care, and responded to by the replacement and reinforcement of the clothing and bedding to recover the person.The removal of gowns, pyjamas and bedsheets often resulted in a patient exposing their genitalia or continence products (continence pads could be visible as a large diaper or nappy or a pad visibly held in place by transparent net pants), and as such, was disruptive to the norms and highly visible to staff and other visitor to these wards. Notably, unlike other behaviours considered by staff to be disruptive or inappropriate within these wards such as shouting or crying out, the removal of bedsheets and the subsequent bodily exposure would always be immediately corrected, the sheet replaced and the what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take patient covered by either the nurse or HCA.

The act of removal was typically interpreted by ward staff as representing a feature of the person’s dementia and staff responses were framed as an issue of patient dignity, or the dignity and embarrassment of other patients and visitors to the ward. However, such responses what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take to removal could lead to further cycles of removal and replacement, leading to an escalation of distress in the person. This was important, because the recording of ‘refusal of care’, or presumed ‘confusion’ associated with this, could have significant impacts on the care and discharge pathways available and prescribed for the individual patient.Consider the case of a woman living with dementia who is 90 years old (patient 1), in the example below. Despite having no immediate medical needs, she has been admitted to the MAU from a care home (following her husband’s stroke, he could no longer care for her).

Across the previous evening and morning shift, she was shouting, refusing all food and care and has received assistance from the specialist dementia care worker what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take. However, during this shift, she has become calmer following a visit from her husband earlier in the day, has since eaten and requested drinks. Her care home would not readmit her, which meant she was not able to be discharged from the unit (an overflow unit due to a high number of admissions to the emergency department during a patch of exceptionally hot weather) until alternative arrangements could be made by social services.During our observations, she remains calm for the first 2 hours. When she does talk, she is very loud and high pitched, but this is what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take normal for her and not a sign of distress.

For staff working on this bay, their attention is elsewhere, because of the other six patients on the unit, one is ‘on suicide watch’ and another is ‘refusing their medication’ (but does not have a diagnosis of dementia). At 15:10 what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take patient 1 begins to remove her sheets:15:10. The unit seems chaotic today. Patient 1 has begun to loudly drum her fingers on the tray table.

She still has not been brought more milk, which she requested from the HCA an hour earlier what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take. The bay that patient 1 is admitted to is a temporary overflow unit and as a result staff do not know where things are. 1 has moved her sheets off her legs, her bare knees peeking out over the top of piled sheets.15:15. The nurse what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take in charge says, ‘Hello,’ when she walks past 1’s bed.

1 looks across and smiles back at her. The nurse in charge explains to her that what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take she needs to shuffle up the bed. 1 asks the nurse about her husband. The nurse reminds 1 that her husband was there this morning and that he is coming back tomorrow.

1 says that he hasn’t been what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take and she does not believe the nurse.15:25. I overhear the nurse in charge question, under her breath to herself, ‘Why 1 has been left on the unit?. €™ 1 has started asking for somebody to come and see her. The nurse in charge tells 1 that she needs to do some jobs first and then will come and talk to what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take her.15:30.

1 has once again kicked her sheets off of her legs. A social worker comes onto the unit what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take. 1 shouts, ‘Excuse me’ to her. The social worker replies, ‘Sorry I’m not staff, I don’t work here’ and leaves the bay.15:40.

1 keeps kicking sheets what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take off her bed, otherwise the unit is quiet. She now whimpers whenever anyone passes her bed, which is whenever anyone comes through the unit’s door. 1 is the only elderly patient on the unit. Again, the nurse in charge is heard sympathizing that this is not the right place for her.16:30 what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take.

A doctor approaches 1, tells her that she is on her list of people to say hello to, she is quite friendly. 1 tells her that she has been here for what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take 3 days, (the rest is inaudible because of pitch). The doctor tries to cover 1 up, raising her bed sheet back over the bed, but 1 loudly refuses this. The doctor responds by ending the interaction, ‘See you later’, and leaves the unit.16:40.

1 attempts to talk to the new nurse assigned to the what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take unit. She goes over to 1 and says, ‘What’s up my darling?. €™ It’s hard to follow 1 now as she sounds very upset. The RN’s what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take first instinct, like with the doctor and the nurse in charge, is to cover up 1 s legs with her bed sheet.

When 1 reacts to this she talks to her and they agree to cover up her knees. 1 is talking about what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take how her husband won’t come and visit her, and still sounds really upset about this. [Site 3, Day 13]Of note is that between days 6 and 15 at this site, observed over a particularly warm summer, this unit was uncomfortably hot and stuffy. The need to be uncovered could be viewed as a reasonable response, and in fact was considered acceptable for patients without a classification of dementia, provided they were otherwise clothed, such as the hospital gown patient 1 was wearing.

This is an example of an aspect of care where the choice and autonomy granted to patients assessed as having (or assumed to have) cognitive capacity is not available to people who are considered to have impaired cognitive what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take capacity (a diagnosis of dementia) and carries the additional moral judgements of the appropriateness of behaviour and bodily exposure. In the example given above, the actions were linked to the patient’s resistance to their admission to the hospital, driven by her desire to return home and to be with her husband. Throughout observations over this 10-day period, patients perceived by staff as rational agents were allowed to strip down their bedding for comfort, whereas patients living with dementia who responded in this way were often viewed by staff as ‘undressing’, which would be interpreted as a feature of their condition, to be challenged and corrected by staff.Note how the same visual data triggered opposing interpretations of personal autonomy. Just as in what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take the example above where distress over loss of familiar clothing may be interpreted as an aspect of confusion, yet lead to, or exacerbate, distress and disorientation.

So ‘deviant’ bedding may be interpreted, for some patients only, in ways that solidify notions of lack of get cialis prescription agency and confusion, is another example of the Matthew effect48 at work through the organisational expectations of the clothed appearance of patients.Within wards, it is not unusual to see patients, especially those with a diagnosis of dementia or cognitive impairment, walking in the corridor inadvertently in some state of undress, typically exposed from behind by their hospital gowns. This exposure in itself is of course, an intrinsic functional feature of the design what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take of the flimsy back-opening institutional clothing the patient has been placed in. This task-based clothing does not even fulfil this basic function very adequately. However, this inadvertent exposure could often be interpreted as an overt act of resistance to the ward and towards staff, especially when it led to exposed genitalia or continence products (pads or nappies).We speculate that the interpretation of resistance may be triggered by the visual prompt of disarrayed clothing and the meanings assumed to follow, where lack of decorum in attire is interpreted as indicating more general behavioural incompetence, cognitive impairment and/or standing outside the social order.DiscussionPrevious studies examining the significance of the visual, particularly Twigg and Buse’s work16–19 exploring the materialities of appearance, emphasise its key role in self-presentation, visibility, dignity and autonomy for older people and especially those living with dementia in care home settings.

Similarly, care home studies have demonstrated that institutional clothing, designed to facilitate task-based care, can be potentially dehumanising or and distressing.25 26 Our findings resonate with this work, but find that for people living with dementia within a key site of care, the acute ward, the impact of institutional clothing on what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take the individual patient living with dementia, is poorly recognised, but is significant for the quality and humanity of their care.Our ethnographic approach enabled the researchers to observe the organisation and delivery of task-oriented fast-paced nature of the work of the ward and bedside care. Nonetheless, it should also be emphasised the instances in which staff such as HCAs and specialist dementia staff within these wards took time to take note of personal appearance and physical caring for patients and how important this can be for overall well-being. None of our observations should be read as critical of any individual staff, but reflects longstanding institutional cultures.Our previous work has examined how readily a person living with dementia within a hospital wards is vulnerable to dehumanisation,51 and to their behaviour within these wards being interpreted as a feature of their condition, rather than a response to the ways in which timetabled care is delivered at their bedside.50 We have also examined the ways in which visual stimuli within these wards in the form of signs and symbols indicating a diagnosis of dementia may inadvertently focus attention away from the individual patient and may incline towards simplified and inaccurate categorisation of both needs and the diagnostic category of dementia.52Our work supports the analysis of the two forms of attention arising from McGilchrist’s work.10 The institutional culture of the wards produces an organisational task-based technical attention, which we found appeared to compete with and reduce the opportunity for ward staff to seek a finer emotional attunement to the person they are caring for and their needs. Focus on efficiency, pace and record keeping that measures individual task completion within a timetable of care may worsen all these effects what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take.

Indeed, other work has shown that in some contexts, attention to visual appearance may itself be little more than a ‘task’ to achieve.49 McGilchrist makes clear, and we agree, that both forms of attention are vital, but more needs to be done to enable staff to find a balance.Previous work has shown how important appearance is to older people, and to people living with dementia in particular, both in terms of how they are perceived by others, but also how for this group, people living with dementia, clothing and personal grooming may act as a particularly important anchor into a familiar social world. These twin aspects of clothing and what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take appearance—self-perception and perception by others—may be especially important in the fast-paced context of an acute ward environment, where patients living with dementia may be struggling with the impacts of an additional acute medical condition within in a highly timetabled and regimented and unfamiliar environment of the ward, and where staff perceptions of them may feed into clinical assessments of their condition and subsequent treatment and discharge pathways. We have seen above, for instance, how behaviour in relation to appearance may be seen as ‘resisting care’ in one group of patients, but as the natural expression of personal preference in patients viewed as being without cognitive impairments. Likewise, personal grooming might impact favourably on a patient’s alertness, visibility and status within the ward.Prior work has demonstrated the importance of the medical gaze for the perceptions of the patient.

Other work has also shown how older people, and in particular people living with dementia, may be thought to be beyond what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take concern for appearance, yet this does not accurately reflect the importance of appearance we found for this patient group. Indeed, we argue that our work, along with the work of others such as Kontos,20 21 shows that if anything, visual appearance is especially important for people living with dementia particularly within clinical settings. In considering the task of washing the patient, Pols53 considered ‘dignitas’ in terms of aesthetic values, in comparison to humanitas conceived as citizen values of equality between persons. Attention to dignitas in the form of appearance what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take may be a way of facilitating the treatment by others of a person with humanitas, and helping to realise dignity of patients.Data availability statementNo data are available.

Data are unavailable to protect anonymity.Ethics statementsPatient consent for publicationNot required.Ethics approvalEthics committee approval for the study was granted by the NHS Research Ethics Service (15/WA/0191).AcknowledgmentsThe authors acknowledge funding support from the NIHR.Notes1. Devan Stahl (2013) what is the maximum amount of cialis i can take. €œLiving into the imagined body. How the diagnostic image confronts the lived body.” Medical Humanities.

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€œSelf presentation through appearance. A manipulative vs a dramaturgical approach”. Symbolic Interaction, 15(4). 501–514.13.

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€œClothing and dementia. A neglected dimension?. € Journal of Ageing Studies 24(4). 223–230.17.

Julia Twigg and Christina E Buse (2013). €œDress, dementia and the embodiment of identity.” Dementia 12(3). 326–336.18. C.

E Buse and J. Twigg (2015). €œClothing, embodied identity and dementia. Maintaining the self through dress.” Age, Culture, Humanities (2).19.

Christina Buse and Julia Twigg (2018). €œDressing disrupted. Negotiating care through the materiality of dress in the context of dementia.” Sociology of Health &. Illness, 40(2).

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549–569.23. Richard Ward et al. (2016a). €œâ€˜Gonna make yer gorgeous’.

Everyday transformation, resistance and belonging in the care-based hair salon.” Dementia, 15(3). 395–413.24. Richard Ward, Sarah Campbell, and John Keady (2016b). €œAssembling the salon.

Learning from alternative forms of body work in dementia care.” Sociology of Health &. Illness, 38(8). 1287–1302.25. Sonja Iltanen-Tähkävuori, Minttu Wikberg, and Päivi Topo (2012).

Design and dementia. A case of garments designed to prevent undressing. Dementia, 11(1). 49–59.26.

Päivi Topo and Sonja Iltanen-Tähkävuori (2010). €œScripting patienthood with patient clothing.” Social Science &. Medicine, 70(11). 1682–1689.27.

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Social Science and Medicine, 70(11), 1690–1692.28. Kathleen Woodward (2006). €œPerforming age, performing gender” National Women’s Studies Association (NWSA) Journal 18(1). 162–89.29.

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AbstractBrazil is currently home to the largest Japanese population outside cialis 10mg price of Japan. In Brazil today, Japanese-Brazilians are considered to be successful members of Brazilian society. This was not always the case, however, and Japanese immigrants to Brazil endured much hardship to cialis 10mg price attain their current level of prestige.

This essay explores this community’s trajectory towards the formation of the Japanese-Brazilian identity and the issues of mental health that arise in this immigrant community. Through the analysis of Japanese-Brazilian novels, TV shows, film and public health studies, I seek to disentangle the themes of gender and modernisation, and how these themes concurrently grapple with Japanese-Brazilian mental health issues. These fictional narratives provide a lens into the experience of the Japanese-Brazilian community that is unavailable in traditional medical studies about their mental health.filmliterature and medicinemental health caregender studiesmedical humanitiesData availability statementData are available in a public, open access repository.Introduction and philosophical backgroundWork in the medical humanities has noted the importance of the ‘medical gaze’ and how it may ‘see’ the cialis 10mg price patient in ways which are specific, while possessing broad significance, in relation to developing medical knowledge.

To diagnosis. And to the social position of the medical profession.1 Some authors have emphasised that vision is a distinctive modality of perception which merits its own consideration, and cialis 10mg price which may have a particular role to play in medical education and understanding.2 3 The clothing we wear has a strong impact on how we are perceived. For example, commentary in this journal on the ‘white coat’ observes that while it may rob the medical doctor of individuality, it nonetheless grants an elevated status4.

In contrast, the patient hospital gown may rob patients of individuality in a way that stigmatises them,5 reducing their status in the ward, and ultimately dehumanises them, in conflict with the humanistic approaches seen as central to the best practice in the care of older patients, and particularly those living with dementia.6The broad context of our concern is the visibility of patients and their needs. We draw on observations made during an ethnographic study of the everyday care of people living with dementia within acute hospital wards, to consider cialis 10mg price how patients’ clothing may impact on the way they were perceived by themselves and by others. Hence, we draw on this ethnography to contribute to discussion of the ‘medical gaze’ in a specific and informative context.The acute setting illustrates a situation in which there are great many biomedical, technical, recording, and timetabled routine task-oriented demands, organised and delivered by different staff members, together with demands for care and attention to particular individuals and an awareness of their needs.

Within this ward setting, we focus on patients who are living with dementia, since this group may be particularly vulnerable to a dehumanising gaze.6 We frame our discussion within the broader context of the general philosophical question of how we acquire knowledge of different types, and the moral consequences of this, particularly knowledge through visual perception.Debates throughout the history of philosophy raise questions about the nature and sources of our knowledge. Contrasts are often drawn between more cialis 10mg price reliable or less reliable knowledge. And between knowledge that is more technical or ‘objective’, and knowledge that is more emotionally based or more ‘subjective’.

A frequent point of discussion is the cialis 10mg price reliability and characteristics of perception as a source of knowledge. This epistemological discussion is mostly focused on vision, indicating its particular importance as a mode of perception to humans.7Likewise, in ethics, there is discussion of the origin of our moral knowledge and the particular role of perception.8 There is frequent recognition that the observer has some significant role in acquiring moral knowledge. Attention to qualities of the moral observer is not in itself a denial of moral reality.

Indeed, it is the very essence of an ethical response to the world to recognise the deep reality of others as separate persons cialis 10mg price. The nature of ethical attention to the world and to those around us is debated and has been articulated in various ways. The quality of ethical attention may vary and achieving a high level of ethical attention may require certain conditions, certain virtues, and the time and mental space to attend to the situation and claims of the other.9Consideration has already been given to how different modes of attention to the world might be of relevance to the practice of medicine.

Work that examines different ways of processing information, and of interacting with and being in the world, can be found in Iain McGilchrist’s The Master and His Emissary,10 where he draws on neurological discoveries and applies his ideas cialis 10mg price to the development of human culture. McGilchrist has recently expanded on the relevance of understanding two different approaches to knowledge for the practice of medicine.11 He argues that task-oriented perception, and a wider, more emotionally attuned awareness of the environment are necessary partners, but may in some circumstances compete, with the competitive edge often being given to the narrower, task-based attention.There has been critique of McGilchrist’s arguments as well as much support. We find his work a useful framework for understanding important debates in the cialis 10mg price ethics of medicine and of nursing about relationships of staff to patients.

In particular, it helps to illuminate the consequences of patients’ dress and personal appearance for how they are seen and treated.Dementia and personal appearanceOur work focuses on patients living with dementia admitted to acute hospital wards. Here, they are a large group, present alongside older patients unaffected by dementia, as well as younger patients. This mixed population provides a useful setting to consider the impact of personal appearance on different patient cialis 10mg price groups.The role of appearance in the presentation of the self has been explored extensively by Tseëlon,12 13 drawing on Goffman’s work on stigma5 and the presentation of the self14 using interactionist approaches.

Drawing on the experiences on women in the UK, Tseëlon argues Goffman’s interactionist approach best supports how we understand the relationship appearance plays in self presentation, and its relationships with other signs and interactions surrounding it. Tseëlon suggests that understandings in this area, in the role appearance and clothing have in the presentation of the self, have been restricted by the perceived trivialities of the topic and limited to the field of fashion studies.15The personal appearance of older patients, and patients living with dementia in particular, has, more recently, been shown to be worthy of attention and of particular significance. Older people are often assumed to be left out of fashion, yet a concern with appearance remains.16 17 Lack of attention to clothing and to personal care may be one cialis 10mg price sign of the varied symptoms associated with cognitive impairment or dementia, and so conversely, attention to appearance is one way of combatting the stigma associated with dementia.

Families and carers may also feel the importance of personal appearance. The significant body of work by Twigg and Buse in this cialis 10mg price field in particular draws attention to the role clothing has on preserving the identity and dignity or people living with dementia, while also constraining and enabling elements of care within long-term community settings.16–19 Within this paper, we examine the ways in which these phenomena can be even more acutely felt within the impersonal setting of the acute hospital.Work has also shown how people living with dementia strongly retain a felt, bodily appreciation for the importance of personal appearance. The comfort and sensuous feel of familiar clothing may remain, even after cognitive capacities such as the ability to recognise oneself in a mirror, or verbal fluency, are lost.18 More strongly still, Kontos,20–22 drawing on the work of Merleau-Ponty and of Bourdieu, has convincingly argued that this attention to clothing and personal appearance is an important aspect of the maintenance of a bodily sense of self, which is also socially mediated, in part via such attention to appearance.

Our observations lend support to Kontos’ hypothesis.Much of this previous work has considered clothing in the everyday life of people living with dementia in the context of community or long-term residential care.18 Here, we look at the visual impact of clothing and appearance in the different setting of the hospital ward and consider the consequent implications for patient care. This setting enables us to consider how the short-term and unfamiliar environments of the acute ward, together with the contrast between personal and institutional attire, impact on the perception of the patient by self and by others.There is a body of literature that examines the work of restoring the appearance of residents within long-term community care settings, for instance Ward et al’s work that demonstrates the importance of hair and grooming as a key component of care.23 24 The work of Iltanen-Tähkävuori25 examines the usage of garments designed for long-term care settings, exploring the conflict between clothing used to prevent undressing or facilitate the delivery of care, and the distress such cialis 10mg price clothing can cause, being powerfully symbolic of lower social status and associated with reduced autonomy.26 27Within this literature, there has also been a significant focus on the role of clothing, appearance and the tasks of personal care surrounding it, on the older female body. A corpus of feminist literature has examined the ageing process and the use of clothing to conceal ageing, the presentation of a younger self, or a ‘certain’ age28 It argues that once the ability to conceal the ageing process through clothing and grooming has been lost, the aged person must instead conceal themselves, dressing to hide themselves and becoming invisible in the process.29 This paper will explore how institutional clothing within hospital wards affects both the male and female body, the presentation of the ageing body and its role in reinforcing the invisibility of older people, at a time when they are paradoxically most visible, unclothed and undressed, or wearing institutional clothing within the hospital ward.Institutional clothing is designed and used to fulfil a practical function.

Its use may therefore perhaps incline us towards a ‘task-based’ mode of attention, which as McGilchrist argues,10 while having a vital place in our understanding of the world, may on occasion interfere with the forms of attention that may be needed to deliver good person-oriented care responsive to individual needs.MethodsEthnography involves the in-depth study of people’s actions and accounts within their natural everyday setting, collecting relatively unstructured data from a range of sources.30 Importantly, it can take into account the perspectives of patients, carers and hospital staff.31 Our approach to ethnography is informed by the symbolic interactionist research tradition, which aims to provide an interpretive understanding of the social world, with an emphasis on interaction, focusing on understanding how action and meaning are constructed within a setting.32 The value of this approach is the depth of understanding and theory generation it can provide.33The goal of ethnography is to identify social processes within the data. There are multiple complex and nuanced interactions within these clinical settings that are capable of ‘communicating many messages at cialis 10mg price once, even of subverting on one level what it appears to be “saying” on another’.34 Thus, it is important to observe interaction and performance. How everyday care work is organised and delivered.

By obtaining observational data from within each institution on the everyday work of hospital wards, their family carers and the nursing and healthcare assistants (HCAs) who carry out this work, we can explore the ways in which hospital organisation, procedures and everyday care impact on care during cialis 10mg price a hospital admission. It remedies a common weakness in many qualitative studies, that what people say in interviews may differ from what they do or their private justifications to others.35Data collection (observations and interviews) and analysis were informed by the analytic tradition of grounded theory.36 There was no prior hypothesis testing and we used the constant comparative method and theoretical sampling whereby data collection (observation and interview data) and analysis are inter-related,36 37 and are carried out concurrently.38 39 The flexible nature of this approach is important, because it can allow us to increase the ‘analytic incisiveness’35 of the study. Preliminary analysis of data collected from individual sites informed the focus of later stages of sampling, data collection and analysis in other sites.Thus, sampling requires a flexible, pragmatic approach and purposive and maximum variation sampling (theoretical sampling) was used.

This included cialis 10mg price five hospitals selected to represent a range of hospitals types, geographies and socioeconomic catchments. Five hospitals were purposefully selected to represent a range of hospitals types. Two large university teaching hospitals, two medium-sized general hospitals and one smaller general hospital.

This included one urban, two inner city and two hospitals covering a cialis 10mg price mix of rural and suburban catchment areas, all situated within England and Wales.These sites represented a range of expertise and interventions in caring for people with dementia, from no formal expertise to the deployment of specialist dementia workers. Fractures, nutritional disorders, urinary tract and pneumonia40 41 are among the principal causes of admission to acute hospital settings among people with dementia. Thus, we focused observation within trauma and cialis 10mg price orthopaedic wards (80 days) and medical assessment units (MAU.

75 days).Across these sites, 155 days of observational fieldwork were carried out. At each of the five sites, a minimum of 30 days observation took place, split between the two ward types. Observations were carried out by two researchers, each working in clusters of 2–4 days over a cialis 10mg price 6-week period at each site.

A single day of observation could last a minimum of 2 hours and a maximum of 12 hours. A total of 684 hours of observation were conducted for this study. This produced approximately 600 000 words of observational fieldnotes that were transcribed, cleaned and anonymised cialis 10mg price (by KF and AN).

We also carried out ethnographic (during observation) interviews with trauma and orthopaedic ward (192 ethnographic interviews and 22 group interviews) and MAU (222 ethnographic interviews) staff (including nurses, HCAs, auxiliary and support staff and medical teams) as they cared for this patient group. This allowed us to question what they are doing and why, and what are the caring practices of ward staff when interacting with people living with dementia.Patients within these settings with a diagnosis of dementia were identified through ward nursing handover notes, patient records and cialis 10mg price board data with the assistance of ward staff. Following the provision of written and verbal information about the study, and the expression of willingness to take part, written consent was taken from patients, staff and visitors directly observed or spoken to as part of the study.To optimise the generalisability of our findings,42 our approach emphasises the importance of comparisons across sites,43 with theoretical saturation achieved following the search for negative cases, and on exploring a diverse and wide range of data.

When no additional empirical data were found, we concluded that the analytical categories were saturated.36 44Grounded theory and ethnography are complementary traditions, with grounded theory strengthening the ethnographic aims of achieving a theoretical interpretation of the data, while the ethnographic approach prevents a rigid application of grounded theory.35 Using an ethnographic approach can mean that everything within a setting is treated as data, which can lead to large volumes of unconnected data and a descriptive analysis.45 This approach provides a middle ground in which the ethnographer, often seen as a passive observer of the social world, uses grounded theory to provide a systematic approach to data collection and analysis that can be used to develop theory to address the interpretive realities of participants within this setting.35Patient and public involvementThe data presented in this paper are drawn from a wider ethnographic study supported by an advisory group of people living with dementia and their family carers. It was this advisory group that informed us of the need of a better understanding of the impacts of the everyday care received by people living with dementia in acute cialis 10mg price hospital settings. The authors met with this group on a regular basis throughout the study, and received guidance on both the design of the study and the format of written materials used to recruit participants to the study.

The external oversight group for this study included, and was chaired, by carers of people living with dementia. Once data cialis 10mg price analysis was complete, the advisory group commented on our initial findings and recommendations. During and on completion of the analysis, a series of public consultation events were held with people living with dementia and family carers to ensure their involvement in discussing, informing and refining our analysis.FindingsWithin this paper, we focus on exploring the medical gaze through the embedded institutional cultures of patient clothing, and the implications this have for patients living with dementia within acute hospital wards.

These findings emerged from our wider analysis of our ethnographic study examining ward cultures of care and cialis 10mg price the experiences of people living with dementia. Here, we examine the ways in which the cultures of clothing within wards impact on the visibility of patients within it, what clothing and identity mean within the ward and the ways in which clothing can be a source of distress. We will look at how personal grooming and appearance can affect status within the ward, and finally explore the removal of clothing, and the impacts of its absence.Ward clothing culturesAcross our sites, there was variation in the cultures of patient clothing and dress.

Within many wards, it was typical for all older patients to be dressed in hospital-issued institutional gowns and pyjamas (typically in pastel blue, pink, green or peach), paired with hospital supplied socks (usually bright red, although there was some small variation) with non-slip grip soles, while in other cialis 10mg price wards, it was standard practice for people to be supported to dress in their own clothes. Across all these wards, we observed that younger patients (middle aged/working age) were more likely to be able to wear their own clothes while admitted to a ward, than older patients and those with a dementia diagnosis.Among key signifiers of social status and individuality are the material things around the person, which in these hospital wards included the accoutrements around the bedside. Significantly, it was observed that people living with dementia were more likely to be wearing an institutional hospital gown or institutional pyjamas, and to have little to individuate the person at the bedside, on either their cabinet or the mobile tray table at their bedside.

The wearing of institutional clothing was typically connected to fewer personal items on display or within reach of the patient, with any items tidied away out of sight cialis 10mg price. In contrast, younger working age patients often had many personal belongings, cards, gadgets, books, media players, with young adults also often having a range of ‘get well soon’ gifts, balloons and so on from the hospital gift shop) on display. This both afforded some elements of familiarity, but also marked the person out as someone with individuality and a certain social standing and place.Visibility of patients on a wardThe significance of the obscurity or invisibility of the patient in artworks depicting doctors has cialis 10mg price been commented on.4 Likewise, we observed that some patients within these wards were much more ‘visible’ to staff than others.

It was often apparent how the wearing of personal clothing could make the patient and their needs more readily visible to others as a person. This may be especially so given the contrast in appearance clothing may produce in this particular setting. On occasion, this may be remarked on by staff, and the resulting attention received favourably by the patient.A member of the bay team returned to a patient and found her freshly dressed in a white tee shirt, navy slacks and black velvet cialis 10mg price slippers and exclaimed aloud and appreciatively, ‘Wow, look at you!.

€™ The patient looked pleased as she sat and combed her hair [site 3 day 1].Such a simple act of recognition as someone with a socially approved appearance takes on a special significance in the context of an acute hospital ward, and for patients living with dementia whose personhood may be overlooked in various ways.46This question of visibility of patients may also be particularly important when people living with dementia may be less able to make their needs and presence known. In this example, a whole bay of patients was seemingly ‘invisible’. Here, the ethnographer is observing a four-bed bay occupied by male patients living with dementia.The man in bed 17 is sitting in cialis 10mg price his bedside chair.

He is dressed in green hospital issue pyjamas and yellow grip socks. At 10 a.m., the physiotherapy team come and cialis 10mg price see him. The physiotherapist crouches down in front of him and asks him how he is.

He says he is unhappy, and the physiotherapist explains that she’ll be back later to see him again. The nurse checks on him, asks cialis 10mg price him if he wants a pillow, and puts it behind his head explaining to him, ‘You need to sit in the chair for a bit’. She pulls his bedside trolley near to him.

With the help of a Healthcare Assistant they make the bed. The Healthcare Assistant chats to him, cialis 10mg price puts cake out for him, and puts a blanket over his legs. He is shaking slightly and I wonder if he is cold.The nurse explains to me, ‘The problem is this is a really unstimulating environment’, then says to the patient, ‘All done, let’s have a bit of a tidy up,’ before wheeling the equipment out.The neighbouring patient in bed 18, is now sitting in his bedside chair, wearing (his own) striped pyjamas.

His eyes are open, and cialis 10mg price he is looking around. After a while, he closes his eyes and dozes. The team chat to patient 19 behind the curtains.

He says he doesn’t want to sit, and they say that is fine unless the cialis 10mg price doctors tell them otherwise.The nurse puts music on an old radio with a CD player which is at the doorway near the ward entrance. It sounds like music from a musical and the ward it is quite noisy suddenly. She turns down the volume a bit, but it is very jaunty and upbeat.

The man cialis 10mg price in bed 19 quietly sings along to the songs. €˜I am going to see my baby when I go home on victory day…’At ten thirty, the nurse goes off on her break. The rest cialis 10mg price of the team are spread around the other bays and side rooms.

There are long distances between bays within this ward. After all the earlier activity it is now very calm and peaceful in the bay. Patient 20 is sitting in cialis 10mg price the chair tapping his feet to the music.

He has taken out a large hessian shopping bag out of his cabinet and is sorting through the contents. There is a lot of paperwork in it which he is cialis 10mg price reading through closely and sorting.Opposite, patient 17 looks very uncomfortable. He is sitting with two pillows behind his back but has slipped down the chair.

His head is in his hands and he suddenly looks in pain. He hasn’t touched his tea, and is talking to cialis 10mg price himself. The junior medic was aware that 17 was not comfortable, and it had looked like she was going to get some advice, but she hasn’t come back.

18 drinks his tea and looks at a wool twiddle mitt sleeve, puts it down, and dozes. 19 has finished all his coffee cialis 10mg price and manages to put the cup down on the trolley.Everyone is tapping their feet or wiggling their toes to the music, or singing quietly to it, when a student nurse, who is working at the computer station in the corridor outside the room, comes in. She has a strong purposeful stride and looks irritated as she switches the music off.

It feels like cialis 10mg price a jolt to the room. She turns and looks at me and says, ‘Sorry were you listening to it?. €™ I tell her that I think these gentlemen were listening to it.She suddenly looks very startled and surprised and looks at the men in the room for the first time.

They have all stopped tapping their toes and cialis 10mg price stopped singing along. She turns it back on but asks me if she can turn it down. She leaves and goes back to her paperwork outside.

Once it cialis 10mg price is turned back on everyone starts tapping their toes again. The music plays on. €˜There’ll be bluebirds over the white cliffs cialis 10mg price of Dover, just you wait and see…’[Site 3 day 3]The music was played by staff to help combat the drab and unstimulating environment of this hospital ward for the patients, the very people the ward is meant to serve.

Yet for this member of ward staff the music was perceived as a nuisance, the men for whom the music was playing seemingly did not register to her awareness. Only an individual of ‘higher’ status, the researcher, sitting at the end of this room was visible to her. This example illustrates cialis 10mg price the general question of the visibility or otherwise of patients.

Focusing on our immediate topic, there may be complex pathways through which clothing may impact on how patients living with dementia are perceived, and on their self-perception.Clothing and identityOn these wards, we also observed how important familiar aspects of appearance were to relatives. Family members may be distressed if they find the person they knew so well, looking markedly different. In the example below, a mother and two adult daughters visit the father of the family, who is not visible to them as the cialis 10mg price person they were so familiar with.

His is not wearing his glasses, which are missing, and his daughters find this very difficult. Even though he looks very different following his admission—he has lost a large amount of weight and has sunken cheekbones, and his skin has taken on a darker hue—it is his glasses which are a key concern for the family in their recognition of their father:As I enter the corridor to go back to the ward, I meet the wife and daughter of the patient in bed 2 in the hall and cialis 10mg price walk with them back to the ward. Their father looks very frail, his head is back, and his face is immobile, his eyes are closed, and his mouth is open.

His skin looks darker than before, and his cheekbones and eye sockets are extremely prominent from weight loss. €˜I am like a cialis 10mg price bird I want to fly away…’ plays softly in the radio in the bay. I sit with them for a bit and we chat—his wife holds his hand as we talk.

His wife has to take two busses to get to the hospital and we talk about the potential care home they expect her husband will be discharged to. They hope it will be close because cialis 10mg price she does not drive. He isn’t wearing his glasses and his daughter tells me that they can’t find them.

We look cialis 10mg price in the bedside cabinet. She has never seen her dad without his glasses. €˜He doesn’t look like my dad without his glasses’ [Site 2 day 15].It was often these small aspects of personal clothing and grooming that prompted powerful responses from visiting family members.

Missing glasses and cialis 10mg price missing teeth were notable in this regard (and with the follow-up visits from the relatives of discharged patients trying to retrieve these now lost objects). The location of these possessions, which could have a medical purpose in the case of glasses, dental prosthetics, hearing aids or accessories which contained personal and important aspects of a patient’s identity, such as wallets or keys, and particularly, for female patients, handbags, could be a prominent source of distress for individuals. These accessories to personal clothing were notable on these wards by their everyday absence, hidden away in bedside cupboards or simply not brought in with the patient at admission, and by the frequency with which patients requested and called out for them or tried to look for them, often in repetitive cycles that indicated their underlying anxiety about these belongings, but which would become invisible to staff, becoming an everyday background intrusion to the work of the wards.When considering the visibility and recognition of individual persons, missing glasses, especially glasses for distance vision, have a particular significance, for without them, a person may be less able to recognise and interact visually with others.

Their presence facilitates the subject of the gaze, in gazing cialis 10mg price back, and hence helps to ground meaningful and reciprocal relationships of recognition. This may be one factor behind the distress of relatives in finding their loved ones’ glasses to be absent.Clothing as a source of distressAcross all sites, we observed patients living with dementia who exhibited obvious distress at aspects of their institutional apparel and at the absence of their own personal clothing. Some older cialis 10mg price patients were clearly able to verbalise their understandings of the impacts of wearing institutional clothing.

One patient remarked to a nurse of her hospital blue tracksuit. €˜I look like an Olympian or Wentworth prison in this outfit!. The latter I expect…’ The staff laughed as they walked her out of the bay cialis 10mg price (site 3 day 1).Institutional clothing may be a source of distress to patients, although they may be unable to express this verbally.

Kontos has shown how people living with dementia may retain an awareness at a bodily level of the demands of etiquette.20 Likewise, in our study, a man living with dementia, wearing a very large institutional pyjama top, which had no collar and a very low V neck, continually tried to pull it up to cover his chest. The neckline was particularly low, because the pyjamas were far too large for him. He continued to fiddle with his very low-necked top even when cialis 10mg price his lunch tray was placed in front of him.

He clearly felt very uncomfortable with such clothing. He continued using his hands to try to pull it up cialis 10mg price to cover his exposed chest, during and after the meal was finished (site 3 day 5).For some patients, the communication of this distress in relation to clothing may be liable to misinterpretation and may have further impacts on how they are viewed within the ward. Here, a patient living with dementia recently admitted to this ward became tearful and upset after having a shower.

She had no fresh clothes, and so the team had provided her with a pink hospital gown to wear.‘I want my trousers, where is my bra, I’ve got no bra on.’ It is clear she doesn’t feel right without her own clothes on. The one-to-one healthcare assistant assigned to this patient tells her, ‘Your bra is dirty, do cialis 10mg price you want to wear that?. €™ She replies, ‘No I want a clean one.

Where are my trousers?. I want them, I’ve lost them.’ The healthcare assistant repeats cialis 10mg price the explaination that her clothes are dirty, and asks her, ‘Do you want your dirty ones?. €™ She is very teary ‘No, I want my clean ones.’ The carer again explains that they are dirty.The cleaner who always works in the ward arrives to clean the floor and sweeps around the patient as she sits in her chair, and as he does this, he says ‘Hello’ to her.

She is cialis 10mg price very teary and explains that she has lost her clothes. The cleaner listens sympathetically as she continues ‘I am all confused. I have lost my clothes.

I am cialis 10mg price all confused. How am I going to go to the shops with no clothes on!. €™ (site 5 day 5).This person experienced significant distress because of her absent clothes, but this would often be simply attributed to confusion, seen as a feature of her dementia.

This then may solidify cialis 10mg price staff perceptions of her condition. However, we need to consider that rather than her condition (her diagnosis of dementia) causing distress about clothing, the direction of causation may be the reverse. The absence of her own familiar clothing contributes significantly to her cialis 10mg price distress and disorientation.

Others have argued that people with limited verbal capacity and limited cognitive comprehension will have a direct appreciation of the grounding familiarity of wearing their own clothes, which give a bodily felt notion of comfort and familiarity.18 47 Familiar clothing may then be an essential prop to anchor the wearer within a recognisable social and meaningful space. To simply see clothing from a task-oriented point of view, as fulfilling a simply mechanical function, and that all clothing, whether personal or institutional have the same value and role, might be to interpret the desire to wear familiar clothing as an ‘optional extra’. However, for those patients most at risk of disorientation and distress within an unfamiliar environment, it could be a valuable necessity.Personal grooming and social statusIncluding cialis 10mg price in our consideration of clothing, we observed other aspects of the role of personal grooming.

Personal grooming was notable by its absence beyond the necessary cleaning required for reasons of immediate hygiene and clinical need (such as the prevention of pressure ulcers). Older patients, and particular those living with dementia who were unable to carry out ‘self-care’ independently and were not able to request support with personal grooming, could, over their admission, become visibly unkempt and scruffy, hair could be left unwashed, uncombed and unstyled, while men could become hirsute through a lack of shaving. The simple act of a visitor dressing and grooming a patient as they prepared for discharge could transform their appearance and leave that patient looking more alert, appear to having cialis 10mg price increased capacity, than when sitting ungroomed in their bed or bedside chair.It is important to consider the impact of appearance and of personal care in the context of an acute ward.

Kontos’ work examining life in a care home, referred to earlier, noted that people living with dementia may be acutely aware of transgressions in grooming and appearance, and noted many acts of self-care with personal appearance, such as stopping to apply lipstick, and conformity with high standards of table manners. Clothing, etiquette cialis 10mg price and personal grooming are important indicators of social class and hence an aspect of belonging and identity, and of how an individual relates to a wider group. In Kontos’ findings, these rituals and standards of appearance were also observed in negative reactions, such as expressions of disgust, towards those residents who breached these standards.

Hence, even in cases where an individual may be assessed as having considerable cognitive impairment, the importance of personal appearance must not be overlooked.For some patients within these wards, routine practices of everyday care at the bedside can increase the potential to influence whether they feel and appear socially acceptable. The delivery of routine timetabled care at the bedside can impact on people’s appearance in ways that may mark them out as failing to achieve accepted standards cialis 10mg price of embodied personhood. The task-oriented timetabling of mealtimes may have significance.

It was a typical observed feature of this routine, when a mealtime has ended, that people living with dementia were left with visible signs and features of the mealtime through spillages on faces, clothes, bed sheets and bedsides, that leave them at risk of being assessed as less socially acceptable and marked as having reduced independence. For example, a volunteer attempts to ‘feed’ a person living with dementia, when she gives up and leave the bedside (this woman living with dementia has resisted cialis 10mg price her attempts and explicitly says ‘no’), remnants of the food is left spread around her mouth (site E). In a different ward, the mealtime has ended, yet a large white plastic bib to prevent food spillages remains attached around the neck of a person living with dementia who is unable to remove it (site X).Of note, an adult would not normally wear a white plastic bib at home or in a restaurant.

It signifies a task-based apparel that cialis 10mg price is demeaning to an individual’s social status. This example also contrasts poignantly with examples from Kontos’ work,20 such as that of a female who had little or no ability to verbalise, but who nonetheless would routinely take her pearl necklace out from under her bib at mealtimes, showing she retained an acute awareness of her own appearance and the ‘right’ way to display this symbol of individuality, femininity and status. Likewise, Kontos gives the example of a resident who at mealtimes ‘placed her hand on her chest, to prevent her blouse from touching the food as she leaned over her plate’.20Patients who are less robust, who have cognitive impairments, who may be liable to disorientation and whose agency and personhood are most vulnerable are thus those for whom appropriate and familiar clothing may be most advantageous.

However, we found the ‘Matthew cialis 10mg price effect’ to be frequently in operation. To those who have the least, even that which they have will be taken away.48 Although there may be institutional and organisational rationales for putting a plastic cover over a patient, leaving it on for an extended period following a meal may act as a marker of dehumanising loss of social status. By being able to maintain familiar clothing and adornment to visually display social standing and identity, a person living with dementia may maintain a continuity of selfhood.However, it is also possible that dressing and grooming an older person may itself be a task-oriented institutional activity in certain contexts, as discussed by Lee-Treweek49 in the context of a nursing home preparing residents for ‘lounge view’ where visitors would see them, using residents to ‘create a visual product for others’ sometimes to the detriment of residents’ needs.

Our observations regarding the importance of patient appearance must therefore be considered as part of the care of the cialis 10mg price whole person and a significant feature of the institutional culture.Patient status and appearanceWithin these wards, a new grouping of class could become imposed on patients. We understand class not simply as socioeconomic class but as an indicator of the strata of local social organisation to which an individual belongs. Those in the lowest classes may have limited opportunities to participate in society, and we observed the cialis 10mg price ways in which this applied to the people living with dementia within these acute wards.

The differential impact of clothing as signifiers of social status has also been observed in a comparison of the white coat and the patient gown.4 It has been argued that while these both may help to mask individuality, they have quite different effects on social status on a ward. One might say that the white coat increases visibility as a person of standing and the attribution of agency, the patient gown diminishes both of these. (Within these wards, although white coats were not to be found, the dress code of cialis 10mg price medical staff did make them stand out.

For male doctors, for example, the uniform rarely strayed beyond chinos paired with a blue oxford button down shirt, sleeves rolled up, while women wore a wider range of smart casual office wear.) Likewise, we observed that the same arrangement of attire could be attributed to entirely different meanings for older patients with or without dementia.Removal of clothes and exposureWithin these wards, we observed high levels of behaviour perceived by ward staff as people living with dementia displaying ‘resistance’ to care.50 This included ‘resistance’ towards institutional clothing. This could include pulling up or removing hospital gowns, removing institutional pyjama trousers or pulling up gowns, and standing with gowns untied and exposed at the back (although this last example is an unavoidable design feature of the clothing itself). Importantly, the cialis 10mg price removal of clothing was limited to institutional gowns and pyjamas and we did not see any patients removing their own clothing.

This also included the removal of institutional bedding, with instances of patients pulling or kicking sheets from their bed. These acts could and was often interpreted by ward staff cialis 10mg price as a patient’s ‘resistance’ to care. There was some variation in this interpretation.

However, when an individual patient response to their institutional clothing and bedding was repeated during a shift, it was more likely to be conceived by the ward team as a form of resistance to their care, and responded to by the replacement and reinforcement of the clothing and bedding to recover the person.The removal of gowns, pyjamas and bedsheets often resulted in a patient exposing their genitalia or continence products (continence pads could be visible as a large diaper or nappy or a pad visibly held in place by transparent net pants), and as such, was disruptive to the norms and highly visible to staff and other visitor to these wards. Notably, unlike other behaviours considered by staff to be disruptive or inappropriate within these wards such as shouting or crying out, the removal of bedsheets and the subsequent bodily exposure would always be immediately corrected, the sheet replaced and cialis 10mg price the patient covered by either the nurse or HCA. The act of removal was typically interpreted by ward staff as representing a feature of the person’s dementia and staff responses were framed as an issue of patient dignity, or the dignity and embarrassment of other patients and visitors to the ward.

However, such responses to removal could lead cialis 10mg price to further cycles of removal and replacement, leading to an escalation of distress in the person. This was important, because the recording of ‘refusal of care’, or presumed ‘confusion’ associated with this, could have significant impacts on the care and discharge pathways available and prescribed for the individual patient.Consider the case of a woman living with dementia who is 90 years old (patient 1), in the example below. Despite having no immediate medical needs, she has been admitted to the MAU from a care home (following her husband’s stroke, he could no longer care for her).

Across the previous evening and morning shift, she was shouting, cialis 10mg price refusing all food and care and has received assistance from the specialist dementia care worker. However, during this shift, she has become calmer following a visit from her husband earlier in the day, has since eaten and requested drinks. Her care home would not readmit her, which meant she was not able to be discharged from the unit (an overflow unit due to a high number of admissions to the emergency department during a patch of exceptionally hot weather) until alternative arrangements could be made by social services.During our observations, she remains calm for the first 2 hours.

When she does talk, she is very loud and high pitched, but this is normal for her cialis 10mg price and not a sign of distress. For staff working on this bay, their attention is elsewhere, because of the other six patients on the unit, one is ‘on suicide watch’ and another is ‘refusing their medication’ (but does not have a diagnosis of dementia). At 15:10 patient 1 begins cialis 10mg price to remove her sheets:15:10.

The unit seems chaotic today. Patient 1 has begun to loudly drum her fingers on the tray table. She still has not been brought more milk, which she requested from the HCA an hour earlier cialis 10mg price.

The bay that patient 1 is admitted to is a temporary overflow unit and as a result staff do not know where things are. 1 has moved her sheets off her legs, her bare knees peeking out over the top of piled sheets.15:15. The nurse in charge says, ‘Hello,’ when she walks past 1’s bed cialis 10mg price.

1 looks across and smiles back at her. The nurse in charge explains to her that she cialis 10mg price needs to shuffle up the bed. 1 asks the nurse about her husband.

The nurse reminds 1 that her husband was there this morning and that he is coming back tomorrow. 1 says that he hasn’t been cialis 10mg price and she does not believe the nurse.15:25. I overhear the nurse in charge question, under her breath to herself, ‘Why 1 has been left on the unit?.

€™ 1 has started asking for somebody to come and see her. The nurse cialis 10mg price in charge tells 1 that she needs to do some jobs first and then will come and talk to her.15:30. 1 has once again kicked her sheets off of her legs.

A social worker comes onto the unit cialis 10mg price. 1 shouts, ‘Excuse me’ to her. The social worker replies, ‘Sorry I’m not staff, I don’t work here’ and leaves the bay.15:40.

1 keeps kicking sheets off her bed, otherwise the unit is quiet cialis 10mg price. She now whimpers whenever anyone passes her bed, which is whenever anyone comes through the unit’s door. 1 is the only elderly patient on the unit.

Again, the nurse in cialis 10mg price charge is heard sympathizing that this is not the right place for her.16:30. A doctor approaches 1, tells her that she is on her list of people to say hello to, she is quite friendly. 1 tells her that she has been here for 3 days, (the rest is cialis 10mg price inaudible because of pitch).

The doctor tries to cover 1 up, raising her bed sheet back over the bed, but 1 loudly refuses this. The doctor responds by ending the interaction, ‘See you later’, and leaves the unit.16:40. 1 attempts to talk cialis 10mg price to the new nurse assigned to the unit.

She goes over to 1 and says, ‘What’s up my darling?. €™ It’s hard to follow 1 now as she sounds very upset. The RN’s first instinct, like with the doctor cialis 10mg price and the nurse in charge, is to cover up 1 s legs with her bed sheet.

When 1 reacts to this she talks to her and they agree to cover up her knees. 1 is talking about how her husband won’t come and visit her, and still sounds really upset about this cialis 10mg price. [Site 3, Day 13]Of note is that between days 6 and 15 at this site, observed over a particularly warm summer, this unit was uncomfortably hot and stuffy.

The need to be uncovered could be viewed as a reasonable response, and in fact was considered acceptable for patients without a classification of dementia, provided they were otherwise clothed, such as the hospital gown patient 1 was wearing. This is an example of an aspect of care where the choice and autonomy granted to patients assessed as having (or assumed to have) cognitive capacity is not available to people who are considered to have impaired cognitive capacity (a cialis 10mg price diagnosis of dementia) and carries the additional moral judgements of the appropriateness of behaviour and bodily exposure. In the example given above, the actions were linked to the patient’s resistance to their admission to the hospital, driven by her desire to return home and to be with her husband.

Throughout observations over this 10-day period, patients perceived by staff as rational agents were allowed to strip down their bedding for comfort, whereas patients living with dementia who responded in this way were often viewed by staff as ‘undressing’, which would be interpreted as a feature of their condition, to be challenged and corrected by staff.Note how the same visual data triggered opposing interpretations of personal autonomy. Just as in the cialis 10mg price example above where distress over loss of familiar clothing may be interpreted as an aspect of confusion, yet lead to, or exacerbate, distress and disorientation. So ‘deviant’ bedding may be interpreted, for some patients only, in ways that solidify notions of lack of agency and confusion, is another example of the Matthew effect48 at work through the organisational expectations of the clothed appearance of patients.Within wards, it is not unusual to see patients, especially those with a diagnosis of dementia or cognitive impairment, walking in the corridor inadvertently in some state of undress, typically exposed from behind by their hospital gowns.

This exposure in itself is of course, an intrinsic functional feature of the design of the cialis 10mg price flimsy back-opening institutional clothing the patient has been placed in. This task-based clothing does not even fulfil this basic function very adequately. However, this inadvertent exposure could often be interpreted as an overt act of resistance to the ward and towards staff, especially when it led to exposed genitalia or continence products (pads or nappies).We speculate that the interpretation of resistance may be triggered by the visual prompt of disarrayed clothing and the meanings assumed to follow, where lack of decorum in attire is interpreted as indicating more general behavioural incompetence, cognitive impairment and/or standing outside the social order.DiscussionPrevious studies examining the significance of the visual, particularly Twigg and Buse’s work16–19 exploring the materialities of appearance, emphasise its key role in self-presentation, visibility, dignity and autonomy for older people and especially those living with dementia in care home settings.

Similarly, care home studies have demonstrated that institutional clothing, designed to facilitate task-based care, can be potentially dehumanising cialis 10mg price or and distressing.25 26 Our findings resonate with this work, but find that for people living with dementia within a key site of care, the acute ward, the impact of institutional clothing on the individual patient living with dementia, is poorly recognised, but is significant for the quality and humanity of their care.Our ethnographic approach enabled the researchers to observe the organisation and delivery of task-oriented fast-paced nature of the work of the ward and bedside care. Nonetheless, it should also be emphasised the instances in which staff such as HCAs and specialist dementia staff within these wards took time to take note of personal appearance and physical caring for patients and how important this can be for overall well-being. None of our observations should be read as critical of any individual staff, but reflects longstanding institutional cultures.Our previous work has examined how readily a person living with dementia within a hospital wards is vulnerable to dehumanisation,51 and to their behaviour within these wards being interpreted as a feature of their condition, rather than a response to the ways in which timetabled care is delivered at their bedside.50 We have also examined the ways in which visual stimuli within these wards in the form of signs and symbols indicating a diagnosis of dementia may inadvertently focus attention away from the individual patient and may incline towards simplified and inaccurate categorisation of both needs and the diagnostic category of dementia.52Our work supports the analysis of the two forms of attention arising from McGilchrist’s work.10 The institutional culture of the wards produces an organisational task-based technical attention, which we found appeared to compete with and reduce the opportunity for ward staff to seek a finer emotional attunement to the person they are caring for and their needs.

Focus on efficiency, pace cialis 10mg price and record keeping that measures individual task completion within a timetable of care may worsen all these effects. Indeed, other work has shown that in some contexts, attention to visual appearance may itself be little more than a ‘task’ to achieve.49 McGilchrist makes clear, and we agree, that both forms of attention are vital, but more needs to be done to enable staff to find a balance.Previous work has shown how important appearance is to older people, and to people living with dementia in particular, both in terms of how they are perceived by others, but also how for this group, people living with dementia, clothing and personal grooming may act as a particularly important anchor into a familiar social world. These twin aspects of clothing and appearance—self-perception and perception by others—may be especially important in the fast-paced context of an acute ward environment, where patients living with dementia may be struggling with the impacts of an cialis 10mg price additional acute medical condition within in a highly timetabled and regimented and unfamiliar environment of the ward, and where staff perceptions of them may feed into clinical assessments of their condition and subsequent treatment and discharge pathways.

We have seen above, for instance, how behaviour in relation to appearance may be seen as ‘resisting care’ in one group of patients, but as the natural expression of personal preference in patients viewed as being without cognitive impairments. Likewise, personal grooming might impact favourably on a patient’s alertness, visibility and status within the ward.Prior work has demonstrated the importance of the medical gaze for the perceptions of the patient. Other work has also shown how older people, and in particular people living with dementia, may be thought to be beyond concern for appearance, yet this does not accurately reflect the importance cialis 10mg price of appearance we found for this patient group.

Indeed, we argue that our work, along with the work of others such as Kontos,20 21 shows that if anything, visual appearance is especially important for people living with dementia particularly within clinical settings. In considering the task of washing the patient, Pols53 considered ‘dignitas’ in terms of aesthetic values, in comparison to humanitas conceived as citizen values of equality between persons. Attention to dignitas in the form of appearance may be a way of facilitating the treatment by others of a cialis 10mg price person with humanitas, and helping to realise dignity of patients.Data availability statementNo data are available.

Data are unavailable to protect anonymity.Ethics statementsPatient consent for publicationNot required.Ethics approvalEthics committee approval for the study was granted by the NHS Research Ethics Service (15/WA/0191).AcknowledgmentsThe authors acknowledge funding support from the NIHR.Notes1. Devan Stahl (2013) cialis 10mg price. €œLiving into the imagined body.

How the diagnostic image confronts the lived body.” Medical Humanities. Medhum-2012–010286.2. Joyce Zazulak et al.

(2017). "The art of medicine. Arts-based training in observation and mindfulness for fostering the empathic response in medical residents.” Medical Humanities.

Medhum-2016-011180.3. E Forde (2018). "Using photography to enhance GP trainees’ reflective practice and professional development." Medical Humanities.

Medhum-2017-011203.4. Caroline Wellbery and Melissa Chan (2014) “White coat, patient gown.” Medical Humanities. Medhum-2013–0 10 463.5.

E Goffman (1990a). Stigma. Notes on the management of spoiled identity, Penguin.6.

J Bridges and C Wilkinson (2011). €œAchieving dignity for older people with dementia in hospital.” Nursing Standard 5 (29).7. J Dancy (1985).

Contemporary Epistemology, John Wiley and Sons.8. D McNaughton (1988). Moral Vision.

Blackwell.9. S Weil (1953). Gravity and Grace.

U of Nebraska Press.10. I McGilchrist (2009). The Master and his Emissary.

The divided brain and the making of the western world. New Haven and London, Yale University Press.11. Iain McGilchrist (2011).

€œPaying attention to the bipartite brain.” The Lancet 377 (9771). 1068–1069.12. Efrat Tseëlon (1992).

€œSelf presentation through appearance. A manipulative vs a dramaturgical approach”. Symbolic Interaction, 15(4).

501–514.13. E Tseëlon (1995). The masque of femininity.

The presentation of woman in everyday life. London. Sage.14.

E Goffman (1990b). The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life Penguin15. Efrat Tseëlon (2001).

€œFashion research and its discontents”. Fashion Theory, 5 (4). 435–451.16.

Julia Twigg (2010a). €œClothing and dementia. A neglected dimension?.

€ Journal of Ageing Studies 24(4). 223–230.17. Julia Twigg and Christina E Buse (2013).

€œDress, dementia and the embodiment of identity.” Dementia 12(3). 326–336.18. C.

E Buse and J. Twigg (2015). €œClothing, embodied identity and dementia.

Maintaining the self through dress.” Age, Culture, Humanities (2).19. Christina Buse and Julia Twigg (2018). €œDressing disrupted.

Negotiating care through the materiality of dress in the context of dementia.” Sociology of Health &. Illness, 40(2). 340-352.20.

PIA C Kontos (2004). Ethnographic reflections on selfhood, embodiment and Alzheimer's disease. Ageing &.

C Kontos (2005). €œEmbodied selfhood in Alzheimer's disease. Rethinking person-centred care.” Dementia 4 (4).

Naglie (2007). €œBridging theory and practice. Imagination, the body, and person-centred dementia care.” Dementia 6 (4).

549–569.23. Richard Ward et al. (2016a).

€œâ€˜Gonna make yer gorgeous’. Everyday transformation, resistance and belonging in the care-based hair salon.” Dementia, 15(3). 395–413.24.

Richard Ward, Sarah Campbell, and John Keady (2016b). €œAssembling the salon. Learning from alternative forms of body work in dementia care.” Sociology of Health &.

Illness, 38(8). 1287–1302.25. Sonja Iltanen-Tähkävuori, Minttu Wikberg, and Päivi Topo (2012).

Design and dementia. A case of garments designed to prevent undressing. Dementia, 11(1).

49–59.26. Päivi Topo and Sonja Iltanen-Tähkävuori (2010). €œScripting patienthood with patient clothing.” Social Science &.

Medicine, 70(11). 1682–1689.27. Julia Twigg (2010b).

€œWelfare embodied. The materiality of hospital dress. A commentary on Topo and Iltanen-Tähkävuori”.

Social Science and Medicine, 70(11), 1690–1692.28. Kathleen Woodward (2006). €œPerforming age, performing gender” National Women’s Studies Association (NWSA) Journal 18(1).

162–89.29. K.M Woodward (1999). Introduction.

In K.M. Woodward (ed.), Figuring Age. Women, Bodies and Generations (pp.

Ix-xxix). Bloomington. Indiana University Press.30.

M Hammersley and P Atkinson (1989). Ethnography. Principles in practice.

J Caracelli (2006). Enhancing the policy process through the use of ethnography and other study frameworks. A mixed-method strategy.

Research in the Schools, 13(1). 84–92.32. W Housley and P Atkinson (2003).

Interactionism, Sage33. M Hammersley (1987) What's Wrong with Ethnography?. Methodological Explorations.

London. Routledge34. V Turner and E Bruner (1986).

The Anthropology of Experience New York. PAJ Publications. 2435.

K Charmaz and RG Mitchell (2001). €˜Grounded theory in ethnography’ in Atkinson P. (Ed) Handbook of Ethnography, 2001.

B Glaser and A Strauss (1967). The Discovery of Grounded Theory. London.

Weidenfeld and Nicholson, 24(25). 288–30437. Juliet M.

Corbin and Anselm Strauss (1990). Grounded theoryrResearch. Procedures, canons, and evaluative criteria.

Grounded theory and the constant comparative method. BMJ (Clinical research ed.), 316 (7137),:1064.39. Roy Suddaby (2006).

€œFrom the editors. What grounded theory is not.” Academy of management journal, 49(4). 633–642.40.

Elizabeth L Sampson et al. (2009). €œDementia in the acute hospital.

Prospective cohort study of prevalence and mortality”. British Journal of Psychiatry,195(1). 61–66.

Doi:10.1192/bjp.bp.108.05533541. C Pinkert and B Holle (2012). €œPeople with dementia in acute hospitals.

Literature review of prevalence and reasons for hospital admission”. Z. Gerontol.

Robert E Herriott and William A. Firestone (1983) “Multisite qualitative policy research. Optimising description and generalizability”.

Education Research 12:14–1943. F Vogt (2002). €œNo ethnography without comparison.

The methodological significance of comparison in ethnographic research” Studies in Education Ethnography 6:23–4244. Benjamin Saunders et al. (2018).

€œSaturation in qualitative research. Exploring its conceptualization and operationalization.” Quality and Quantity 52 (4). 1893–1907.45.

A Coffey and P Atkinson (1996). Making sense of qualitative data. Complementary research strategies.

Sage Publications, Inc.46. Paula Boddington and Katie Featherstone (2018). €œThe canary in the coal mine.

Continence care for people with dementia in acute hospital wards as a crisis of dehumanisation”. Bioethics, 32(4). 251–260.47.

Christina Buse et al. (2014). €œLooking “out of place”.

Analysing the spatial and symbolic meanings of dementia care settings through dress.” International Journal of Ageing and Later Life 9 (1). 69–95.48. R.

K. Merton (1968). €œThe Matthew effect in science.

The reward and communication systems of science are considered.” Science 159 (3810). 56–63.49. Geraldine Lee-Treweek (1997) “Women, resistance and care.

An ethnographic study of nursing auxiliary work” Work, Employment and Society, 11(1). 47–6350. Katie Featherstone et al.

(2019b). €œRefusal and resistance to care by people living with dementia being cared for within acute hospital wards. An ethnographic study” Health Service and Delivery Research51.

Katie Featherstone, Andy Northcott, and Jackie Bridges (2019a). €œRoutines of resistance. An ethnography of the care of people living with dementia in acute hospital wards and its consequences.” International Journal of Nursing Studies.52.

K Featherstone, A Northcott, and P Boddington (2020). €œUsing signs and symbols to identify hospital patients with a dementia diagnosis. Help or hindrance to recognition and care?.

€ Narrative Inquiry in Bioethics53. Jeannette Pols (2013). €œWashing the patient.

Dignity and aesthetic values in nursing care” Nursing Philosophy, 14(3). 186–200.

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In this issue of BMJ Quality and Safety, Jorro-Barón and colleagues1 report the findings of a http://rademacherguitars.com/zithromax-online-uk/ stepped-wedge cluster randomised trial (SW-CRT) to evaluate the implementation of the I-PASS handover system among six paediatric intensive care purchase cialis units (PICUs) at five Argentinian hospitals between July 2018 and May 2019. According to the authors, prior to the intervention there were complaints that handovers were ‘…lengthy, disorganized, …participants experienced purchase cialis problems with interruptions, distractions, and … senior professionals had problems accepting dissent’.Adverse events were assessed by two independent reviewers using the Global Assessment of Pediatric Patient Safety instrument. Study results demonstrated significantly improved handover compliance in the intervention group, validating Kirkpatrick Level 3 (behavioural change)2 effectiveness of the training initiative. Notably, however, on the primary outcome there were no differences between control and intervention groups regarding preventable adverse events per 1000 days of hospitalisation (control 60.4 (37.5–97.4) vs purchase cialis intervention 60.4 (33.2–109.9), p=0.998, risk ratio. 1.0 (0.74–1.34)).

Regarding balancing measures, there was no observed purchase cialis difference in the ‘full-shift’ handover duration (control 35.7 min (29.6–41.8). Intervention 34.7 min (26.5–42.1), p=0.490), although more time was spent on individual patient handovers in the intervention period (7.29 min (5.77–8.81). Control 5.96 min (4.69–7.23) purchase cialis. P=0.001). From the provider perspective, preintervention and postintervention Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality (AHRQ) safety culture surveys did not show significant differences in their responses to communication-focused questions before and after the intervention.Thus, consistent with all previous studies, I-PASS was implemented successfully and handover quality improved.

However, is the lack of association of I-PASS implementation with clinical outcomes and adverse events in this study a concern?. To answer this question, it is necessary to review the origins of I-PASS more than a decade ago and its continually expanding evidence base.Healthcare has a handover problemHandovers are among the most vulnerable reoccurring processes in healthcare. In the AHRQ safety culture survey,3 the handovers and transitions of care domain is consistently among the lowest scoring, and handover and communication issues are among the most common cause of Joint Commission Sentinel Events and the subject of Joint Commission Sentinel Event Alert Issue 58.4 A study by CRICO Strategies found that communication issues were a factor in 30% of 23 658 malpractice claims filed from 2009 to 2013, accounting for $1.7 billion in incurred losses.5 The importance of handovers and care transitions for trainees is specifically discussed in a Clinical Learning Environment Review Issue Brief published by the Accreditation Council for Graduate Medical Education (ACGME),6 and Section VI.E.3 (Transitions of Care) of the ACGME Common Program Requirements (Residency) addresses the requirement for residents to be taught and to use structured handovers.7Both the numbers of handovers and handover-related problems have increased in contemporary practice because of greater patient complexity and the expanding number and types of providers involved in a typical patient’s care. Further, in teaching institutions, resident work-hour restrictions have resulted in the need for complex coverage schemes. Off-hours care is often provided by ‘cross-covering’, ‘float’ or ‘moonlighting’ practitioners who are responsible for numerous unfamiliar patients during their shifts, thus imposing an even greater need for effective handovers.

The net effect of all these changes may be inconsistent, fragmented care resulting from suboptimal handovers from one provider, service or hospital to another, with resulting medical errors (often of omission) and adverse events.Structured, standardised handoversThese serious vulnerabilities have led to pleas for more consistent, structured and standardised handovers.8–11 In addition to their use in routine shift-to-shift provider sign-off, these may be of particular value in the high-risk transfers of critically ill patients, such as from operating rooms to postoperative care units and ICUs12–16. Admissions to a surgery unit17. Management of trauma patients18–20. ICU to general ward transfers21 22. Night and weekend coverage of large services, many of whose patients are unfamiliar to the physician receiving the handover23–28.

And end-of-rotation resident transitions.29–31Given these considerations, standardised handovers, often involving mnemonic devices, have been widely advocated and studied in the past several decades, though many lack rigorous evaluation and few if any showed demonstrable associations with outcomes.32 33 Further, although some individual hospitals, units and services have implemented their own idiosyncratic handover systems, this does not solve the issue of handover inconsistency between different care delivery sites. A basic, common framework that could be customised to individual use cases would clearly be preferable.The I-PASS systemResponding to these concerns, the I-PASS Study Group was initiated in 2009 and the I-PASS Institute in 2016. Although numerous other systems are available, since its pilot studies a decade ago,34 35 I-PASS has emerged as the dominant system in healthcare for structured, standardised handovers. This system is specifically designed for healthcare applications. It is based on adult educational principles and simple to use.

It has been extensively validated in the peer-reviewed literature encompassing studies at multiple institutions in the USA and internationally34–40. And extensive training materials are available to assist programmes in implementation.39 41–45 Ideally, this system is implemented hospital-wide, which addresses the issue of cross-unit and cross-service transfers.I-PASS includes five major elements regarded as important for every handover—illness severity, patient summary, action list, situation awareness/contingency planning and synthesis by receiver. The first three of these elements are often included in non-structured handovers, although not necessarily in a specific sequence or format. The last two I-PASS elements—situational awareness/contingency planning and synthesis—have not historically been included in typical handover practice. The former assures that any anticipated problems are conveyed from the handover giver to the incoming provider and that appropriate responses to these issues are discussed.

Synthesis is closed-loop communication, with brief read-back of the handover information by the receiver to assure their accurate comprehension, followed by an opportunity for questions and discussion. This read-back of mission-critical communications is standard operating practice in other high-reliability settings such as aviation, the military and nuclear power. It is essential to establishing a shared mental model of the current state and any potential concerns. However, other than in I-PASS, it is quite uncommon in healthcare, with the potential exception of confirming verbal or telephonic orders.I-PASS validationIn an initial study of I-PASS handover implementation by residents on two general inpatient paediatric units at Boston Children’s Hospital,34 written handovers were more comprehensive and had fewer omissions of key data, and mean time spent on verbal handover sessions did not change significantly (32.3 min vs 33.2 min). Medical errors and adverse events were ascertained prospectively by research nurse reviewers and independent physician investigators.

Following I-PASS implementation, preventable adverse events decreased from 3.3 (95% CI 1.7 to 4.8) to 1.5 (95% CI 0.51 to 2.4) per 100 admissions (p=0.04), and medical error rates decreased significantly from 33.8 per 100 admissions (95% CI 27.3 to 40.3) to 18.3 per 100 admissions (95% CI 14.7 to 21.9. P<0.001). A commentary by Horwitz46 noted that this was ‘…by far the most comprehensive study of the direct effects of handoff interventions on outcomes within the context of existing work-hour regulations and is the first to demonstrate an associated significant decrease in medical errors on a large scale’, while also noting limitations including its uncontrolled, ‘before and after’ design, confounding by secular changes, Hawthorne effects and inability to blind the nurses collecting adverse event data.The more expansive, landmark I-PASS study was conducted by Starmer and colleagues37 among nine paediatric hospitals and 10 740 patient admissions between January 2011 and May 2013. Handover quality was evaluated, and medical errors and adverse events were ascertained by active surveillance, including on-site nurse review of medical records, orders, formal incident reports, nursing reports and daily medical error reports from residents. Independent physician investigators classified occurrences as adverse events, near misses or exclusions, and they subclassified adverse events as preventable or non-preventable.

Results revealed a 23% reduction in medical errors from the preintervention to the postintervention period (24.5 vs 18.8 per 100 admissions, p<0.001) and a 30% reduction in preventable adverse events (4.7 vs 3.3 events per 100 admissions, p<0.001). Inclusion of prespecified elements in written and verbal handovers increased significantly, and there was no significant change in handover time per patient (2.4 vs 2.5 min. P=0.55).Subsequent investigations in other institutions have replicated many of the findings of the original I-PASS studies, with higher postintervention inclusion rates of critical handover elements. Fewer mistakes or omissions. Greater provider satisfaction with handover organisation and information conveyed.

Unchanged or shorter handoff times. And decreased handover interruptions (probably reflecting greater attention to the importance of the handover process).36 40 47–50 In a mentored implementation study conducted in 2015–2016 among 16 hospitals (five community hospitals, 11 academic centres and multiple specialties), handover quality improved, and there was a provider-reported 27% reduction in adverse events.38 Among nurses at Boston Children’s Hospital, I-PASS implementation was associated with significant decreases in handover-related care failures.40In recognition of its achievements in improving healthcare quality, the I-PASS Study Group was awarded the 2016 John M Eisenberg Award for Patient Safety and Quality by the National Quality Forum and the Joint Commission.The challenge of linking handovers to clinical outcomes and eventsAlthough investigations from many centres, including the report of Jorro-Barrón and colleagues,1 have now confirmed that I-PASS can be readily assimilated and used by clinicians, most of these have either not rigorously assessed adverse events, medical errors and other clinical outcomes (Kirkpatrick Level 4 evaluation) or have failed to demonstrate significant postintervention improvements in these clinical outcomes. Why is this, and should current or potential I-PASS users be concerned?. With regard to the first question, there are practical considerations that complicate the rigorous study of clinical outcome improvements associated with I-PASS (or any other handover system). Notwithstanding the importance of effective communications, these are only one of many provider processes and hospital systems, not to mention the overall hospital quality and safety culture, that impact a patient’s clinical outcome.

In most hospitals, a diverse portfolio of quality and safety improvement initiatives are always being conducted. Disentangling and isolating the effects of any one specific intervention, such as I-PASS handovers, is challenging if not impossible. At a minimum, it requires real-time, prospective monitoring by trained nurse or physician reviewers as in the original I-PASS studies, a research design which realistically is unlikely to be reproduced. Ideally, the study design would also include blinding of the study period (control or intervention) and blinding of observers, the former of which is virtually impossible for this type of intervention.Further, if other provider processes and hospital systems are functioning at a high level, they may partially offset the impact of suboptimal communications and make it even more challenging to demonstrate significant improvements. The current study of Jorro-Barón and colleagues,1 which uses PICUs as the unit of analysis, illustrates this concept.

PICUs are typically among the most compulsive, detail-oriented units in any hospital, even if they may have nominally ‘non-standardized’ handovers.Study design. The SW-CRTIn an attempt to address the limitations of some previous studies, Parent and colleagues51 studied eight medical and surgical ICUs across two academic tertiary teaching hospitals using an SW-CRT design. Clinician self-assessment of having been inadequately prepared for their shift because of a poor-quality handoff decreased from 35 of 343 handoffs (10.2%) in the control arm to 53 of 740 handoffs (7.2%) postintervention (OR 0.19. 95% CI 0.03 to 0.74. P=0.03).

€˜Last-minute’, early morning order writing decreased, and handover duration increased but not significantly (+5.5 min. 95% CI 0.34 to 9.39. P=0.30). As in the current study of Jorro-Barón and colleagues,1 who also employed an SW-CRT, there were no associated changes in clinical outcomes such as ICU length of stay, duration of mechanical ventilation or necessity for reintubation. The authors comment that given high baseline quality of care in these ICUs, it was not surprising that there were no changes in outcomes.An SW-CRT is generally considered a rigorous study design as it includes cluster randomisation.

However, though novel and increasingly popular, this approach is complex and may sometimes add confusion rather than clarity.52–57 Its major appeal is that all clusters will at some point, in a random and sequential fashion, transition from control to intervention condition. For an intervention that is perceived by participants as having more potential for good than harm, this may enhance cluster recruitment. It may also make it possible to conduct a randomised study in scenarios where pragmatic considerations, such as the inability to conduct interventions simultaneously across numerous clusters, may make a parallel randomised study (or any study) infeasible.However, as acknowledged even by its proponents, the added practical and statistical complexity of SW-CRTs often makes them more challenging to properly implement, and compared with traditional parallel cluster randomised trials they may be more prone to biases.53–57 A Consolidated Standards of Reporting Trials extension has been specifically developed in response to these concerns.55 Unique design and analytical considerations include the number of clusters, sequences and periods. Clusters per sequence. And cluster-period sizes.55 56 Concerns include recruitment and selection biases.

Proper accounting for secular trends in outcomes (ie, because of the sequential rather than simultaneous nature of the SW-CRT design, observations from the intervention condition occur on average at a later calendar time, so that the intervention effect may be confounded by an underlying time trend). Accounting for repeated measures on participants and clusters in sample size calculations and analyses (ie, data are not independent). Possible time-varying treatment effects. And the potential for within-cluster contamination of observations obtained under the control or intervention condition.52–56Regarding contamination, a secular trend may be responsible if, for example, institutional activities focused on improving patient outcomes include a general emphasis on communications. There might also be more direct contamination of the intervention among clusters waiting to be crossed over, as described in the context of the Matching Michigan programme.58 Participating in a trial and awareness of being observed may change the behaviour of participants.

For example, in the handover intervention of Jorro-Barón and colleagues,1 some providers in a control condition cluster may, because they are aware of the interest in handovers, begin to implement more standardised practices before the formal shift to the intervention condition. This potentially dilutes any subsequent impact of the intervention by virtue of what could be considered either a Hawthorne effect or a local secular trend, in either case leading to generally better handovers in the preintervention period. Some SW-CRTs include a transition period without any observations to allow for sufficient time to implement the intervention,53 59 thereby creating more contrast. Finally, because of sometimes prolonged PICU length of stay and regularly scheduled resident rotations on and off a unit or service, some patients and providers might overlap the transition from control to intervention state and contribute observations to both, while others will be limited to one or the other. This possibility is not clearly defined by the authors of the current study, but seems unlikely to have had a major statistical effect.Do we need more evidence?.

From an implementation science perspective, handovers are a deeply flawed healthcare process with the demonstrated potential to harm patients. A new tool—I-PASS—has been developed which can be easily and economically taught and subsequently applied by virtually any provider, and many resources are available to assist in implementation.45 It has few, if any, unintended negative consequences to patients or providers and has been associated in at least two extensive and well-conducted (although non-randomised) trials with dramatic reductions in medical errors and adverse events. Notably, these were conducted at a time when there was much less emphasis on and awareness of handover systems, including I-PASS. Thus, there was much greater separation between control and intervention states than would be possible today.Returning to the question posed at the beginning of this commentary, is the inability to demonstrate a favourable impact on clinical outcomes in studies other than those of the developers34 35 a reason to question the value of I-PASS?. For the reasons discussed above, I think not.

In his classic 2008 article,60 ‘The Science of Improvement’, Dr Don Berwick recounts the transformational development of sophisticated statistical analyses in healthcare, of which the randomised clinical trial is the paradigm. While in many instances randomised controlled trials have been invaluable in scientifically affirming or rejecting the utility of specific treatments or interventions, their limitations are more obvious in interventions involving complex social and behavioural change. Berwick illustrates this challenge with the example of hospital rapid response teams, whose benefit was challenged by the results of a large cluster randomised trial. His comments regarding that conflict are equally applicable to the current challenge of demonstrating the impact of standardised handovers on clinical outcomes:These critics refused to accept as evidence the large, positive, accumulating experience of many hospitals that were adapting rapid response for their own use, such as children’s hospitals. How can accumulating local reports of effectiveness of improvement interventions, such as rapid response systems, be reconciled with contrary findings from formal trials with their own varying imperfections?.

The reasons for this apparent gap between science and experience lie deep in epistemology. The introduction of rapid response systems in hospitals is a complex, multicomponent intervention—essentially a process of social change. The effectiveness of these systems is sensitive to an array of influences. Leadership, changing environments, details of implementation, organizational history, and much more. In such complex terrain, the RCT is an impoverished way to learn.

Critics who use it as a truth standard in this context are incorrect.Having personally observed the value of I-PASS, as well as the devastating consequences of inadequate handovers, I vote with Dr Berwick. The evidence for effectiveness is overwhelming and the need for action is urgent—all that is lacking is the will to implement.Ethics statementsPatient consent for publicationNot required.Palliative care is associated with improved patient-centred and caregiver-centred outcomes, higher-quality end-of-life care, and decreased healthcare use among patients with serious illness.1–3 The Centre to Advance Palliative Care has established a set of recommended clinical criteria (or ‘triggers’), including a projected survival of less than 1 year,4 to help clinicians identify patients likely to benefit from palliative care. Nevertheless, referrals often occur within the last 3 months of life5 due in part to clinician overestimation of prognosis.6 A growing number of automated predictive models leverage vast data in the electronic medical record (EMR) to accurately predict short-term mortality risk in real time and can be paired with systems to prompt clinicians to refer to palliative care.7–12 These models hold great promise to overcome the many clinician-level and system-level barriers to improving access to timely palliative care. First, mortality risk prediction algorithms have been shown to outperform clinician prognostic assessment, and clinician–machine collaboration may even outperform both.13 Second, algorithm-based ‘nudges’ that systematically provide prognostic information could address many cognitive biases, including status quo bias and optimism bias,14 15 that make clinicians less apt to identify patients who may benefit from palliative care. Indeed, such models have been shown to improve the frequency of palliative care delivery and patient outcomes in the hospital and clinic settings.9 16 17 With that said, successful implementation of automated prognostic models into routine clinical care at scale requires clinician and patient engagement and support.In this issue of BMJ Quality &.

Safety, Saunders and colleagues report on the acceptability of using the EMR-based Modified Hospitalised-Patient One-Year Mortality Risk (mHOMR) score to alert clinicians to individual patients with a >21% risk of dying within 12 months. The goal of the clinician notification of an elevated risk score was to prompt clinicians to consider palliative care referral.18 In a previously reported feasibility study among 400 hospitalised patients, use of the mHOMR alert was associated with increased rates of goals of care discussions and palliative care consultation in comparison to the preimplementation baseline (34% vs 18%, respectively).19 In the present study, the authors conducted qualitative interviews pre-mHOMR and post-mHOMR implementation among 64 stakeholders, including patients identified at high risk by the mHOMR algorithm, their caregivers, staff and physicians. Thirty-five (55%) participants agreed that the mHOMR tool was acceptable. 14 (22%) were unsure or did not agree. And 15 (23%) did not respond.

Participants identified many potential benefits of the programme, citing the advantages of an automated approach to facilitate and justify clinical decision making. Participants also acknowledged possible barriers, particularly ‘situational challenges’ such as the content, timing and mechanism of provider notification. Additional logistical concerns included alert fatigue, potential redundancy, uncertainty regarding next steps and a worry that certain therapeutic options could be withheld from flagged patients. The authors concluded that clinicians and patients found the automated prognostic trigger to be an acceptable addition to usual clinical care.Saunders et al’s work adds to our understanding of critical perceptions regarding end users’ acceptability of automated prognostic triggers in routine clinical care. The findings from this study align with prior evidence suggesting that clinicians recognise the value of automated, algorithm-based approaches to improve serious illness care.

For example, in a qualitative study of clinicians by Hallen et al, prognostic models confirmed clinicians’ gestalt and served as a tool to help communicate prognosis to patients.20 Clinicians described prognostic models as a tool to facilitate interclinician disagreements, mitigate medicolegal risk, and overcome the tendency to ignore or overestimate prognosis.20 Clinicians also reported that EMR-generated lists of high-risk patients improved their ability to identify potential palliative care beneficiaries in a mixed-methods study by Mason et al.21 In a single-centre pilot study, we similarly found that most clinicians believed that using an EMR-based prognostic model to encourage inpatient palliative care consultation was acceptable.9 However, in the Saunders et al study, as in prior similar work, clinicians highlighted the importance of delivering notifications without causing excess provider workload, redundancy or alert fatigue.16 18 21 Clinicians also raised concerns regarding the accuracy of the prognostic information and the potential for negative effects on patients due to common misperceptions about palliative care being equivalent to hospice.18 20 21 Ultimately, Saunders et al’s work complements and builds on existing literature, demonstrating a general perception that integration of automated prognostic models into routine clinical care could be beneficial and acceptable.Important gaps remain in this literature which were not addressed by the Saunders et al study. For example, there is a need to capture more diverse clinician and patient perspectives, and there was no information provided about the sociodemographic or clinical characteristics of the study participants. Additionally, important themes found in prior studies were not identified in this study. For example, two prior studies of clinicians’ perspectives on automated prognostic triggers for palliative care revealed concerns that prognosis alone may not be a sufficient surrogate indicator of actual palliative care need, or may inadvertently engender clinician overconfidence in an individual patient’s prognosis.9 21 The brevity of the interviews in Saunders et al’s study (mean. 12 min) could suggest all relevant themes may not have emerged in the data analysis.

Additionally, while the inclusion of patient and caregiver perceptions is an important addition, limited information is provided about their perspectives and whether certain themes differed among the stakeholders. In the study from Mason et al, themes unique to patients and caregivers were identified, such as hesitancy due to a lack of understanding of palliative care, a preference to ‘focus on the present’, and a worry that a clinician would not have the time to adequately address advanced care planning or palliative care during their visit.21 Healthcare systems should therefore be prepared to consider their unique workflows, patients and staff prior to implementing one of these programmes.Achieving stakeholder acceptability prior to widespread implementation is essential. An intervention should ideally undergo multiple cycles of optimisation with ongoing appraisal of patient and clinician perspectives prior to wide-scale implementation.22 23 Additionally, it is unclear whether clinicians’ acceptability of the intervention in one setting will generalise to other inpatient health settings. For instance, Saunders et al found that some providers were leery about the use of mHOMR due the need to balance the patient’s acute needs that brought them to the hospital with their long-term priorities that may be better served in the outpatient setting.18 Clinical workflows, patient acuity and patient–provider relationships are markedly different between the inpatient and outpatient settings, suggesting Saunders et al’s findings cannot be extrapolated to outpatient care. This is particularly relevant as many ‘off-the-shelf’ prognostic algorithms are now commercially available that, while accurate, may not be as familiar or acceptable to clinicians as a homegrown model.

Therefore, while Saunders et al’s work is a great addition to the field, additional assessments are needed across different healthcare environments and varying clinical and demographic cohorts to demonstrate that this approach is acceptable in other health settings. It is likely that multiple implementation strategies will be needed to successfully adapt automated prognostic models across a range of clinical settings.Thoughtful consideration of the many forces that alter clinical decision making will also be critical for downstream success of these interventions. Suboptimal clinical decision making is often a result of systemic biases, such as status quo and optimism bias, which result in clinician resistance to change current practice and a belief that their patients are less prone to negative outcomes.14 15 Intentional application of targeted behavioural economics principles will help ensure that the use of prognostic triggers to improve palliative care effectively changes clinical behaviour.24 For example, using an ‘opt-out’ approach for palliative care referral may make the optimal choice the path of least resistance, increasing uptake among clinicians.16 These approaches will need to be balanced against rising clinician alert fatigue25 and resource constraints.Given the implementation challenges that accompany an intervention using prognostic triggers, hybrid effectiveness trials that test both clinical effectiveness and implementation outcomes offer one strategy to advance the integration of automated prognostic models.26 Implementation outcomes are typically based on a framework which provides a systematic way to develop, manage and evaluate interventions. For example, Reach Effectiveness Adoption Implementation Maintenance (RE-AIM) is a framework that measures the impact of a programme based on five factors. Reach, effectiveness, adoption, implementation and maintenance.27 Due to their pragmatic approach, hybrid trials frequently include heterogenous samples and clinical settings that optimise external validity and generalisability.26 28 They can be designed to primarily test the effects of a clinical interventions while observing and gathering information on implementation outcomes (type I), for equal evaluation of both the clinical intervention and implementation strategies (type II), or to primarily assess implementation outcomes while collecting effectiveness data (type III).26 29 For example, Beidas et al used a type I hybrid effectiveness–implementation trial design to test the effectiveness of an exercise intervention for breast cancer.

This study not only evaluated the effectiveness of the intervention but also identified multiple significant implementation barriers such as cost, referral logistics and patient selection challenges which informed their subsequent dissemination efforts.30 Prospective, randomised, hybrid effectiveness–implementation designs focusing on other key implementation outcomes are a logical and necessary next step in advancing the field. In total, the work by Saunders et al demonstrates the potential acceptability of an automated prognostic model to improve the timeliness of palliative care, setting the stage for further work to optimise and implement these programmes into real-world clinical care.Ethics statementsPatient consent for publicationNot required..

In this issue of BMJ Quality and Safety, Jorro-Barón and colleagues1 report the findings of a cialis 10mg price stepped-wedge cluster randomised trial (SW-CRT) to evaluate the implementation of the I-PASS handover system among six paediatric intensive care units (PICUs) at five Argentinian hospitals between July 2018 and May 2019. According to the authors, prior to the intervention there were complaints that handovers were ‘…lengthy, disorganized, …participants experienced problems with interruptions, distractions, and … senior professionals had problems accepting dissent’.Adverse events were assessed by two independent reviewers using the Global cialis 10mg price Assessment of Pediatric Patient Safety instrument. Study results demonstrated significantly improved handover compliance in the intervention group, validating Kirkpatrick Level 3 (behavioural change)2 effectiveness of the training initiative. Notably, however, on the primary outcome there were no differences between control and intervention groups regarding preventable adverse events per 1000 days of hospitalisation (control 60.4 cialis 10mg price (37.5–97.4) vs intervention 60.4 (33.2–109.9), p=0.998, risk ratio. 1.0 (0.74–1.34)).

Regarding balancing measures, there was no observed difference in the ‘full-shift’ handover duration cialis 10mg price (control 35.7 min (29.6–41.8). Intervention 34.7 min (26.5–42.1), p=0.490), although more time was spent on individual patient handovers in the intervention period (7.29 min (5.77–8.81). Control 5.96 cialis 10mg price min (4.69–7.23). P=0.001). From the provider perspective, preintervention and postintervention Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality (AHRQ) safety culture surveys did not show significant differences in their responses to communication-focused questions before and after the intervention.Thus, consistent with all previous studies, I-PASS was implemented successfully and handover quality improved.

However, is the lack of association of I-PASS implementation with clinical outcomes and adverse events in this study a concern?. To answer this question, it is necessary to review the origins of I-PASS more than a decade ago and its continually expanding evidence base.Healthcare has a handover problemHandovers are among the most vulnerable reoccurring processes in healthcare. In the AHRQ safety culture survey,3 the handovers and transitions of care domain is consistently among the lowest scoring, and handover and communication issues are among the most common cause of Joint Commission Sentinel Events and the subject of Joint Commission Sentinel Event Alert Issue 58.4 A study by CRICO Strategies found that communication issues were a factor in 30% of 23 658 malpractice claims filed from 2009 to 2013, accounting for $1.7 billion in incurred losses.5 The importance of handovers and care transitions for trainees is specifically discussed in a Clinical Learning Environment Review Issue Brief published by the Accreditation Council for Graduate Medical Education (ACGME),6 and Section VI.E.3 (Transitions of Care) of the ACGME Common Program Requirements (Residency) addresses the requirement for residents to be taught and to use structured handovers.7Both the numbers of handovers and handover-related problems have increased in contemporary practice because of greater patient complexity and the expanding number and types of providers involved in a typical patient’s care. Further, in teaching institutions, resident work-hour restrictions have resulted in the need for complex coverage schemes. Off-hours care is often provided by ‘cross-covering’, ‘float’ or ‘moonlighting’ practitioners who are responsible for numerous unfamiliar patients during their shifts, thus imposing an even greater need for effective handovers.

The net effect of all these changes may be inconsistent, fragmented care resulting from suboptimal handovers from one provider, service or hospital to another, with resulting medical errors (often of omission) and adverse events.Structured, standardised handoversThese serious vulnerabilities have led to pleas for more consistent, structured and standardised handovers.8–11 In addition to their use in routine shift-to-shift provider sign-off, these may be of particular value in the high-risk transfers of critically ill patients, such as from operating rooms to postoperative care units and ICUs12–16. Admissions to a surgery unit17. Management of trauma patients18–20. ICU to general ward transfers21 22. Night and weekend coverage of large services, many of whose patients are unfamiliar to the physician receiving the handover23–28.

And end-of-rotation resident transitions.29–31Given these considerations, standardised handovers, often involving mnemonic devices, have been widely advocated and studied in the past several decades, though many lack rigorous evaluation and few if any showed demonstrable associations with outcomes.32 33 Further, although some individual hospitals, units and services have implemented their own idiosyncratic handover systems, this does not solve the issue of handover inconsistency between different care delivery sites. A basic, common framework that could be customised to individual use cases would clearly be preferable.The I-PASS systemResponding to these concerns, the I-PASS Study Group was initiated in 2009 and the I-PASS Institute in 2016. Although numerous other systems are available, since its pilot studies a decade ago,34 35 I-PASS has emerged as the dominant system in healthcare for structured, standardised handovers. This system is specifically designed for healthcare applications. It is based on adult educational principles and simple to use.

It has been extensively validated in the peer-reviewed literature encompassing studies at multiple institutions in the USA and internationally34–40. And extensive training materials are available to assist programmes in implementation.39 41–45 Ideally, this system is implemented hospital-wide, which addresses the issue of cross-unit and cross-service transfers.I-PASS includes five major elements regarded as important for every handover—illness severity, patient summary, action list, situation awareness/contingency planning and synthesis by receiver. The first three of these elements are often included in non-structured handovers, although not necessarily in a specific sequence or format. The last two I-PASS elements—situational awareness/contingency planning and synthesis—have not historically been included in typical handover practice. The former assures that any anticipated problems are conveyed from the handover giver to the incoming provider and that appropriate responses to these issues are discussed.

Synthesis is closed-loop communication, with brief read-back of the handover information by the receiver to assure their accurate comprehension, followed by an opportunity for questions and discussion. This read-back of mission-critical communications is standard operating practice in other high-reliability settings such as aviation, the military and nuclear power. It is essential to establishing a shared mental model of the current state and any potential concerns. However, other than in I-PASS, it is quite uncommon in healthcare, with the potential exception of confirming verbal or telephonic orders.I-PASS validationIn an initial study of I-PASS handover implementation by residents on two general inpatient paediatric units at Boston Children’s Hospital,34 written handovers were more comprehensive and had fewer omissions of key data, and mean time spent on verbal handover sessions did not change significantly (32.3 min vs 33.2 min). Medical errors and adverse events were ascertained prospectively by research nurse reviewers and independent physician investigators.

Following I-PASS implementation, preventable adverse events decreased from 3.3 (95% CI 1.7 to 4.8) to 1.5 (95% CI 0.51 to 2.4) per 100 admissions (p=0.04), and medical error rates decreased significantly from 33.8 per 100 admissions (95% CI 27.3 to 40.3) to 18.3 per 100 admissions (95% CI 14.7 to 21.9. P<0.001). A commentary by Horwitz46 noted that this was ‘…by far the most comprehensive study of the direct effects of handoff interventions on outcomes within the context of existing work-hour regulations and is the first to demonstrate an associated significant decrease in medical errors on a large scale’, while also noting limitations including its uncontrolled, ‘before and after’ design, confounding by secular changes, Hawthorne effects and inability to blind the nurses collecting adverse event data.The more expansive, landmark I-PASS study was conducted by Starmer and colleagues37 among nine paediatric hospitals and 10 740 patient admissions between January 2011 and May 2013. Handover quality was evaluated, and medical errors and adverse events were ascertained by active surveillance, including on-site nurse review of medical records, orders, formal incident reports, nursing reports and daily medical error reports from residents. Independent physician investigators classified occurrences as adverse events, near misses or exclusions, and they subclassified adverse events as preventable or non-preventable.

Results revealed a 23% reduction in medical errors from the preintervention to the postintervention period (24.5 vs 18.8 per 100 admissions, p<0.001) and a 30% reduction in preventable adverse events (4.7 vs 3.3 events per 100 admissions, p<0.001). Inclusion of prespecified elements in written and verbal handovers increased significantly, and there was no significant change in handover time per patient (2.4 vs 2.5 min. P=0.55).Subsequent investigations in other institutions have replicated many of the findings of the original I-PASS studies, with higher postintervention inclusion rates of critical handover elements. Fewer mistakes or omissions. Greater provider satisfaction with handover organisation and information conveyed.

Unchanged or shorter handoff times. And decreased handover interruptions (probably reflecting greater attention to the importance of the handover process).36 40 47–50 In a mentored implementation study conducted in 2015–2016 among 16 hospitals (five community hospitals, 11 academic centres and multiple specialties), handover quality improved, and there was a provider-reported 27% reduction in adverse events.38 Among nurses at Boston Children’s Hospital, I-PASS implementation was associated with significant decreases in handover-related care failures.40In recognition of its achievements in improving healthcare quality, the I-PASS Study Group was awarded the 2016 John M Eisenberg Award for Patient Safety and Quality by the National Quality Forum and the Joint Commission.The challenge of linking handovers to clinical outcomes and eventsAlthough investigations from many centres, including the report of Jorro-Barrón and colleagues,1 have now confirmed that I-PASS can be readily assimilated and used by clinicians, most of these have either not rigorously assessed adverse events, medical errors and other clinical outcomes (Kirkpatrick Level 4 evaluation) or have failed to demonstrate significant postintervention improvements in these clinical outcomes. Why is this, and should current or potential I-PASS users be concerned?. With regard to the first question, there are practical considerations that complicate the rigorous study of clinical outcome improvements associated with I-PASS (or any other handover system). Notwithstanding the importance of effective communications, these are only one of many provider processes and hospital systems, not to mention the overall hospital quality and safety culture, that impact a patient’s clinical outcome.

In most hospitals, a diverse portfolio of quality and safety improvement initiatives are always being conducted. Disentangling and isolating the effects of any one specific intervention, such as I-PASS handovers, is challenging if not impossible. At a minimum, it requires real-time, prospective monitoring by trained nurse or physician reviewers as in the original I-PASS studies, a research design which realistically is unlikely to be reproduced. Ideally, the study design would also include blinding of the study period (control or intervention) and blinding of observers, the former of which is virtually impossible for this type of intervention.Further, if other provider processes and hospital systems are functioning at a high level, they may partially offset the impact of suboptimal communications and make it even more challenging to demonstrate significant improvements. The current study of Jorro-Barón and colleagues,1 which uses PICUs as the unit of analysis, illustrates this concept.

PICUs are typically among the most compulsive, detail-oriented units in any hospital, even if they may have nominally ‘non-standardized’ handovers.Study design. The SW-CRTIn an attempt to address the limitations of some previous studies, Parent and colleagues51 studied eight medical and surgical ICUs across two academic tertiary teaching hospitals using an SW-CRT design. Clinician self-assessment of having been inadequately prepared for their shift because of a poor-quality handoff decreased from 35 of 343 handoffs (10.2%) in the control arm to 53 of 740 handoffs (7.2%) postintervention (OR 0.19. 95% CI 0.03 to 0.74. P=0.03).

€˜Last-minute’, early morning order writing decreased, and handover duration increased but not significantly (+5.5 min. 95% CI 0.34 to 9.39. P=0.30). As in the current study of Jorro-Barón and colleagues,1 who also employed an SW-CRT, there were no associated changes in clinical outcomes such as ICU length of stay, duration of mechanical ventilation or necessity for reintubation. The authors comment that given high baseline quality of care in these ICUs, it was not surprising that there were no changes in outcomes.An SW-CRT is generally considered a rigorous study design as it includes cluster randomisation.

However, though novel and increasingly popular, this approach is complex and may sometimes add confusion rather than clarity.52–57 Its major appeal is that all clusters will at some point, in a random and sequential fashion, transition from control to intervention condition. For an intervention that is perceived by participants as having more potential for good than harm, this may enhance cluster recruitment. It may also make it possible to conduct a randomised study in scenarios where pragmatic considerations, such as the inability to conduct interventions simultaneously across numerous clusters, may make a parallel randomised study (or any study) infeasible.However, as acknowledged even by its proponents, the added practical and statistical complexity of SW-CRTs often makes them more challenging to properly implement, and compared with traditional parallel cluster randomised trials they may be more prone to biases.53–57 A Consolidated Standards of Reporting Trials extension has been specifically developed in response to these concerns.55 Unique design and analytical considerations include the number of clusters, sequences and periods. Clusters per sequence. And cluster-period sizes.55 56 Concerns include recruitment and selection biases.

Proper accounting for secular trends in outcomes (ie, because of the sequential rather than simultaneous nature of the SW-CRT design, observations from the intervention condition occur on average at a later calendar time, so that the intervention effect may be confounded by an underlying time trend). Accounting for repeated measures on participants and clusters in sample size calculations and analyses (ie, data are not independent). Possible time-varying treatment effects. And the potential for within-cluster contamination of observations obtained under the control or intervention condition.52–56Regarding contamination, a secular trend may be responsible if, for example, institutional activities focused on improving patient outcomes include a general emphasis on communications. There might also be more direct contamination of the intervention among clusters waiting to be crossed over, as described in the context of the Matching Michigan programme.58 Participating in a trial and awareness of being observed may change the behaviour of participants.

For example, in the handover intervention of Jorro-Barón and colleagues,1 some providers in a control condition cluster may, because they are aware of the interest in handovers, begin to implement more standardised practices before the formal shift to the intervention condition. This potentially dilutes any subsequent impact of the intervention by virtue of what could be considered either a Hawthorne effect or a local secular trend, in either case leading to generally better handovers in the preintervention period. Some SW-CRTs include a transition period without any observations to allow for sufficient time to implement the intervention,53 59 thereby creating more contrast. Finally, because of sometimes prolonged PICU length of stay and regularly scheduled resident rotations on and off a unit or service, some patients and providers might overlap the transition from control to intervention state and contribute observations to both, while others will be limited to one or the other. This possibility is not clearly defined by the authors of the current study, but seems unlikely to have had a major statistical effect.Do we need more evidence?.

From an implementation science perspective, handovers are a deeply flawed healthcare process with the demonstrated potential to harm patients. A new tool—I-PASS—has been developed which can be easily and economically taught and subsequently applied by virtually any provider, and many resources are available to assist in implementation.45 It has few, if any, unintended negative consequences to patients or providers and has been associated in at least two extensive and well-conducted (although non-randomised) trials with dramatic reductions in medical errors and adverse events. Notably, these were conducted at a time when there was much less emphasis on and awareness of handover systems, including I-PASS. Thus, there was much greater separation between control and intervention states than would be possible today.Returning to the question posed at the beginning of this commentary, is the inability to demonstrate a favourable impact on clinical outcomes in studies other than those of the developers34 35 a reason to question the value of I-PASS?. For the reasons discussed above, I think not.

In his classic 2008 article,60 ‘The Science of Improvement’, Dr Don Berwick recounts the transformational development of sophisticated statistical analyses in healthcare, of which the randomised clinical trial is the paradigm. While in many instances randomised controlled trials have been invaluable in scientifically affirming or rejecting the utility of specific treatments or interventions, their limitations are more obvious in interventions involving complex social and behavioural change. Berwick illustrates this challenge with the example of hospital rapid response teams, whose benefit was challenged by the results of a large cluster randomised trial. His comments regarding that conflict are equally applicable to the current challenge of demonstrating the impact of standardised handovers on clinical outcomes:These critics refused to accept as evidence the large, positive, accumulating experience of many hospitals that were adapting rapid response for their own use, such as children’s hospitals. How can accumulating local reports of effectiveness of improvement interventions, such as rapid response systems, be reconciled with contrary findings from formal trials with their own varying imperfections?.

The reasons for this apparent gap between science and experience lie deep in epistemology. The introduction of rapid response systems in hospitals is a complex, multicomponent intervention—essentially a process of social change. The effectiveness of these systems is sensitive to an array of influences. Leadership, changing environments, details of implementation, organizational history, and much more. In such complex terrain, the RCT is an impoverished way to learn.

Critics who use it as a truth standard in this context are incorrect.Having personally observed the value of I-PASS, as well as the devastating consequences of inadequate handovers, I vote with Dr Berwick. The evidence for effectiveness is overwhelming and the need for action is urgent—all that is lacking is the will to implement.Ethics statementsPatient consent for publicationNot required.Palliative care is associated with improved patient-centred and caregiver-centred outcomes, higher-quality end-of-life care, and decreased healthcare use among patients with serious illness.1–3 The Centre to Advance Palliative Care has established a set of recommended clinical criteria (or ‘triggers’), including a projected survival of less than 1 year,4 to help clinicians identify patients likely to benefit from palliative care. Nevertheless, referrals often occur within the last 3 months of life5 due in part to clinician overestimation of prognosis.6 A growing number of automated predictive models leverage vast data in the electronic medical record (EMR) to accurately predict short-term mortality risk in real time and can be paired with systems to prompt clinicians to refer to palliative care.7–12 These models hold great promise to overcome the many clinician-level and system-level barriers to improving access to timely palliative care. First, mortality risk prediction algorithms have been shown to outperform clinician prognostic assessment, and clinician–machine collaboration may even outperform both.13 Second, algorithm-based ‘nudges’ that systematically provide prognostic information could address many cognitive biases, including status quo bias and optimism bias,14 15 that make clinicians less apt to identify patients who may benefit from palliative care. Indeed, such models have been shown to improve the frequency of palliative care delivery and patient outcomes in the hospital and clinic settings.9 16 17 With that said, successful implementation of automated prognostic models into routine clinical care at scale requires clinician and patient engagement and support.In this issue of BMJ Quality &.

Safety, Saunders and colleagues report on the acceptability of using the EMR-based Modified Hospitalised-Patient One-Year Mortality Risk (mHOMR) score to alert clinicians to individual patients with a >21% risk of dying within 12 months. The goal of the clinician notification of an elevated risk score was to prompt clinicians to consider palliative care referral.18 In a previously reported feasibility study among 400 hospitalised patients, use of the mHOMR alert was associated with increased rates of goals of care discussions and palliative care consultation in comparison to the preimplementation baseline (34% vs 18%, respectively).19 In the present study, the authors conducted qualitative interviews pre-mHOMR and post-mHOMR implementation among 64 stakeholders, including patients identified at high risk by the mHOMR algorithm, their caregivers, staff and physicians. Thirty-five (55%) participants agreed that the mHOMR tool was acceptable. 14 (22%) were unsure or did not agree. And 15 (23%) did not respond.

Participants identified many potential benefits of the programme, citing the advantages of an automated approach to facilitate and justify clinical decision making. Participants also acknowledged possible barriers, particularly ‘situational challenges’ such as the content, timing and mechanism of provider notification. Additional logistical concerns included alert fatigue, potential redundancy, uncertainty regarding next steps and a worry that certain therapeutic options could be withheld from flagged patients. The authors concluded that clinicians and patients found the automated prognostic trigger to be an acceptable addition to usual clinical care.Saunders et al’s work adds to our understanding of critical perceptions regarding end users’ acceptability of automated prognostic triggers in routine clinical care. The findings from this study align with prior evidence suggesting that clinicians recognise the value of automated, algorithm-based approaches to improve serious illness care.

For example, in a qualitative study of clinicians by Hallen et al, prognostic models confirmed clinicians’ gestalt and served as a tool to help communicate prognosis to patients.20 Clinicians described prognostic models as a tool to facilitate interclinician disagreements, mitigate medicolegal risk, and overcome the tendency to ignore or overestimate prognosis.20 Clinicians also reported that EMR-generated lists of high-risk patients improved their ability to identify potential palliative care beneficiaries in a mixed-methods study by Mason et al.21 In a single-centre pilot study, we similarly found that most clinicians believed that using an EMR-based prognostic model to encourage inpatient palliative care consultation was acceptable.9 However, in the Saunders et al study, as in prior similar work, clinicians highlighted the importance of delivering notifications without causing excess provider workload, redundancy or alert fatigue.16 18 21 Clinicians also raised concerns regarding the accuracy of the prognostic information and the potential for negative effects on patients due to common misperceptions about palliative care being equivalent to hospice.18 20 21 Ultimately, Saunders et al’s work complements and builds on existing literature, demonstrating a general perception that integration of automated prognostic models into routine clinical care could be beneficial and acceptable.Important gaps remain in this literature which were not addressed by the Saunders et al study. For example, there is a need to capture more diverse clinician and patient perspectives, and there was no information provided about the sociodemographic or clinical characteristics of the study participants. Additionally, important themes found in prior studies were not identified in this study. For example, two prior studies of clinicians’ perspectives on automated prognostic triggers for palliative care revealed concerns that prognosis alone may not be a sufficient surrogate indicator of actual palliative care need, or may inadvertently engender clinician overconfidence in an individual patient’s prognosis.9 21 The brevity of the interviews in Saunders et al’s study (mean. 12 min) could suggest all relevant themes may not have emerged in the data analysis.

Additionally, while the inclusion of patient and caregiver perceptions is an important addition, limited information is provided about their perspectives and whether certain themes differed among the stakeholders. In the study from Mason et al, themes unique to patients and caregivers were identified, such as hesitancy due to a lack of understanding of palliative care, a preference to ‘focus on the present’, and a worry that a clinician would not have the time to adequately address advanced care planning or palliative care during their visit.21 Healthcare systems should therefore be prepared to consider their unique workflows, patients and staff prior to implementing one of these programmes.Achieving stakeholder acceptability prior to widespread implementation is essential. An intervention should ideally undergo multiple cycles of optimisation with ongoing appraisal of patient and clinician perspectives prior to wide-scale implementation.22 23 Additionally, it is unclear whether clinicians’ acceptability of the intervention in one setting will generalise to other inpatient health settings. For instance, Saunders et al found that some providers were leery about the use of mHOMR due the need to balance the patient’s acute needs that brought them to the hospital with their long-term priorities that may be better served in the outpatient setting.18 Clinical workflows, patient acuity and patient–provider relationships are markedly different between the inpatient and outpatient settings, suggesting Saunders et al’s findings cannot be extrapolated to outpatient care. This is particularly relevant as many ‘off-the-shelf’ prognostic algorithms are now commercially available that, while accurate, may not be as familiar or acceptable to clinicians as a homegrown model.

Therefore, while Saunders et al’s work is a great addition to the field, additional assessments are needed across different healthcare environments and varying clinical and demographic cohorts to demonstrate that this approach is acceptable in other health settings. It is likely that multiple implementation strategies will be needed to successfully adapt automated prognostic models across a range of clinical settings.Thoughtful consideration of the many forces that alter clinical decision making will also be critical for downstream success of these interventions. Suboptimal clinical decision making is often a result of systemic biases, such as status quo and optimism bias, which result in clinician resistance to change current practice and a belief that their patients are less prone to negative outcomes.14 15 Intentional application of targeted behavioural economics principles will help ensure that the use of prognostic triggers to improve palliative care effectively changes clinical behaviour.24 For example, using an ‘opt-out’ approach for palliative care referral may make the optimal choice the path of least resistance, increasing uptake among clinicians.16 These approaches will need to be balanced against rising clinician alert fatigue25 and resource constraints.Given the implementation challenges that accompany an intervention using prognostic triggers, hybrid effectiveness trials that test both clinical effectiveness and implementation outcomes offer one strategy to advance the integration of automated prognostic models.26 Implementation outcomes are typically based on a framework which provides a systematic way to develop, manage and evaluate interventions. For example, Reach Effectiveness Adoption Implementation Maintenance (RE-AIM) is a framework that measures the impact of a programme based on five factors. Reach, effectiveness, adoption, implementation and maintenance.27 Due to their pragmatic approach, hybrid trials frequently include heterogenous samples and clinical settings that optimise external validity and generalisability.26 28 They can be designed to primarily test the effects of a clinical interventions while observing and gathering information on implementation outcomes (type I), for equal evaluation of both the clinical intervention and implementation strategies (type II), or to primarily assess implementation outcomes while collecting effectiveness data (type III).26 29 For example, Beidas et al used a type I hybrid effectiveness–implementation trial design to test the effectiveness of an exercise intervention for breast cancer.

This study not only evaluated the effectiveness of the intervention but also identified multiple significant implementation barriers such as cost, referral logistics and patient selection challenges which informed their subsequent dissemination efforts.30 Prospective, randomised, hybrid effectiveness–implementation designs focusing on other key implementation outcomes are a logical and necessary next step in advancing the field. In total, the work by Saunders et al demonstrates the potential acceptability of an automated prognostic model to improve the timeliness of palliative care, setting the stage for further work to optimise and implement these programmes into real-world clinical care.Ethics statementsPatient consent for publicationNot required..

Maximum safe dosage of cialis

Why Are More maximum safe dosage of cialis Black Kids Suicidal?. A Search for Answers.Mental health experts maximum safe dosage of cialis assumed that people of all races had the same risk factors for self-harm. Emerging evidence suggests that is not the case.Credit...Supported byContinue reading the main storyNov.

18, 2021Joe was 17 when he decided life wasn’t worth living.He was tired of the violence in his Boston neighborhood, where maximum safe dosage of cialis his older brother had spent more than a year recovering from a gunshot wound to his leg. And he was especially tired of the comments about his weight.“You think you can sit on that chair?. € his classmates would ask.Other times they were more maximum safe dosage of cialis direct, saying simply.

€œYou’re fat.”“Sometimes I’d be so depressed I wouldn’t eat for three days,” said Joe, now 25, who was a lineman on his high school’s football team.(Joe’s surname and that of another young person interviewed for this article are being withheld to protect their privacy. Joe is being identified by his middle name.)He thought about ending his life if the bullying didn’t stop maximum safe dosage of cialis. Those thoughts eventually became so pervasive that one day he came home from school and took a small maximum safe dosage of cialis handful of pills.

But it was enough only to produce a bad stomachache.Months later, he was still feeling depressed. €œLet me go see a therapist maximum safe dosage of cialis. My head’s not right,” he told his father.

€œI’m having these thoughts of killing myself — that you’d all be better without me here.”Joe still remembers his maximum safe dosage of cialis father’s response. €œThat’s not true. We love maximum safe dosage of cialis you.

But you want to maximum safe dosage of cialis talk to somebody and tell someone that?. They’re going to think you’re crazy.”Over the past generation, a mental health crisis has been brewing among Black youths like Joe, one that very few people — including Black families — have spoken about publicly. Self-reported suicide attempts maximum safe dosage of cialis rose nearly 80 percent among Black adolescents from 1991 to 2019, while the prevalence of attempts did not change significantly among those of other races and ethnicities.

Legislators and academics are now pushing for better research to understand why, especially in light of new evidence that suggests Black children may have unique risk factors for self-harm.‘I Didn’t Necessarily Want to Die’One study of high school students, published in September, found that the Black teenagers surveyed were more likely than the white teenagers to have attempted suicide without first having suicidal thoughts or plans. Because suicide screening questionnaires typically ask whether people are having suicidal thoughts or have made plans to hurt themselves, the authors speculated maximum safe dosage of cialis that the questionnaires might fail to identify some Black youths who are at risk of suicide, or that there could be additional factors that might indicate a need for intervention.More research is needed, but a government study conducted last year suggested that Black children and adolescents who died by suicide were more likely than white youths to have experienced a crisis in the two weeks before they died. They were also more likely to have had a family relationship problem, argument or conflict, or a history of suicide attempts.Jordan Burnham, who survived a jump from a ninth-story window when he was 18, said that if he had been asked whether he was planning to kill himself that day, the answer would have been no.“I couldn’t even think that far ahead,” he said.The fall broke his pelvis, shattered his left leg and fractured his wrist, skull and jaw.

It would be four maximum safe dosage of cialis years before he could walk again.“I didn’t necessarily want to die,” added Mr. Burnham, who is now 32 and visits as many maximum safe dosage of cialis as 60 schools a year to speak about suicide prevention and mental illness. €œBut the part of me that had depression and shame and sadness everyday — I wanted that pain to die.

I wanted that part to go away.”On the maximum safe dosage of cialis day of his suicide attempt, he was confronted by his parents about a stash of alcohol that they had found in his car. Although Mr. Burnham was diagnosed with depression as a teenager, he became so good at hiding it that even his own family members, who were loving and supportive, did not fully understand how much pain he held inside — or the extent to which he felt like an outsider as one of the few Black students at a maximum safe dosage of cialis mostly white school in suburban Philadelphia.Suicide and mental illness are often thought of as a “white phenomenon,” said Michael A.

Lindsey, the executive director of the McSilver Institute for Poverty Policy and Research at New York University, who studies the mental health of Black adolescents.Looking at the raw numbers, it’s easy to understand why. White deaths by suicide far maximum safe dosage of cialis outnumber those of Black people. But when taking into account youth suicide rates — the number of suicides per 100,000 individuals under age 25 — a different picture emerges.“I think the statistics are maximum safe dosage of cialis shocking,” said Dr.

Lindsey, who was the first to document trends in rising suicide attempts among Black adolescents.A 2018 study found that while the suicide rate of Black children 5 to 12 was low, it was nearly twice that of white children in the same age group. In one of the most recent examples, a 10-year-old Black maximum safe dosage of cialis girl with autism died by suicide in Utah in early November. Her parents said she had been subjected to racist bullying by her classmates.Among teenagers and young adults, suicide rates remain highest among whites, Native Americans and Alaska Natives.

But while the suicide rate has recently declined among those groups, it has continued to rise among maximum safe dosage of cialis Black youths. From 2013 to 2019 the suicide rate of Black boys and men 15 to 24 years old rose by 47 percent, and by 59 percent for Black girls and women of the same age.Adolescents of color who identify as L.G.B.T.Q. May be especially at risk of a suicide attempt, according to a national survey conducted by the Trevor Project, a maximum safe dosage of cialis suicide prevention group for L.G.B.T.Q.

Youth.Despite the racial disparities — and the fact that suicide maximum safe dosage of cialis is the second leading cause of death among all adolescents — there has been a dearth of research examining the racial and ethnic differences in youth suicidal ideation, plans or suicide attempts.This is partly because Black researchers who examine health disparities have been underfunded — in March the director of the National Institutes of Health issued a public apology for “structural racism in biomedical research” — but also because there are only a handful of academics who study these topics.“You have to bring culture into this, you have to talk about racism, you have to talk about discrimination,” said Arielle Sheftall, a principal investigator at the Center for Suicide Prevention and Research at Nationwide Children’s Hospital in Columbus, Ohio. €œIt is something that Black youth experience every single day.”A report presented to Congress in 2019 identified gaps in research and policy and has resulted in more research dollars flowing to studies related to Black youth suicide, including a program to teach middle schoolers about mental health and a suicide prevention intervention called Success Over Stress, which touches on themes like systemic racism and police brutality to help ninth-grade students at predominantly Black schools develop coping skills.“These kids have stressors that are uniquely different than other kids,” said LaVome Robinson, the lead investigator of the Success Over Stress study and a professor of psychology at DePaul University in Chicago.‘Nothing to Stress About’Deaths by suicide are more common among boys than girls overall, but a study published in September found that suicide rates among Black girls increased by an average of 6.6 percent each year from 2003 to 2017 — more than twice the increase for Black boys. A diagnosis of depression or maximum safe dosage of cialis anxiety was more common among the girls.

Additionally, nearly 20 percent of the girls had engaged in an argument within 24 hours of their deaths.Denise (her middle name), 19, a high school senior in Cleveland, lives with her mother and six siblings. She struggles with depression maximum safe dosage of cialis and anxiety, largely driven by conflict at home and the lingering trauma of a sexual assault.“When I told Mom how I was feeling, she didn’t seem to care,” Denise said, adding. €œShe said I had nothing to stress about because I’m a kid.”“I just felt like there was nothing nobody could do to change the situation.”One evening in September, after a disagreement with her mother, she texted one of her school counselors and told her.

€œI don’t want to be here no more.”Her counselor insisted that she go to the hospital to get a psychiatric evaluation.“The first three nights I spent in the hospital, all I could do is cry,” said maximum safe dosage of cialis Denise, who received her first prescription for psychiatric medication while she was there. €œI just felt relieved that somebody could actually understand what I’m going through maximum safe dosage of cialis. It felt good to let it all out after holding it in for so long.”Suicidal behavior is already a well-known problem in Denise’s school district, which is about two-thirds Black.

In 2019, data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention showed that 18 maximum safe dosage of cialis percent of Cleveland high school students had attempted suicide in the previous 12 months, compared with about 9 percent nationally. Many students in Cleveland face chronic stressors, including neighborhood violence and food insecurity. Researchers have found that young people are more likely to die by suicide in high-poverty communities.Lisa Ellis, a counselor at a high school in Cleveland, developed an eight-week program for first-year students at her school that aims to help reduce the stigma of mental illness, which she sees as a large barrier preventing maximum safe dosage of cialis students of color from getting the help they need.Tips for Parents to Help Their Struggling TeensCard 1 of 6Are you concerned for your teen?.

If you worry that your teen might be experiencing depression or suicidal thoughts, there are a few things you can do to help. Dr. Christine Moutier, the chief medical officer of the American Foundation for Suicide Prevention, suggests these steps:Look for changes.

Notice shifts in sleeping and eating habits in your teen, as well as any issues he or she might be having at school, such as slipping grades. Watch for angry outbursts, mood swings and a loss of interest in activities they used to love. Stay attuned to their social media posts as well.Keep the lines of communication open.

If you notice something unusual, start a conversation. But your child might not want to talk. In that case, offer him or her help in finding a trusted person to share their struggles with instead.Seek out professional support.

A child who expresses suicidal thoughts may benefit from a mental health evaluation and treatment. You can start by speaking with your child’s pediatrician or a mental health professional.In an emergency. If you have immediate concern for your child’s safety, do not leave him or her alone.

Call a suicide prevention lifeline. Lock up any potentially lethal objects. Children who are actively trying to harm themselves should be taken to the closest emergency room.Resources If you’re worried about someone in your life and don’t know how to help, these resources can offer guidance:1.

The National Suicide Prevention Lifeline. 1-800-273-8255 (TALK) 2. The Crisis Text Line.

Text TALK to 741741 3. The American Foundation for Suicide PreventionThe curriculum includes videos, like TED talks about mental health, as well as discussions about various mental health diagnoses and healthy coping mechanisms to help students regulate their emotions inside and outside the classroom.‘Keeping Your Business Out of the Street’An American Psychological Association report found that only 4 percent of psychologists in the United States in 2015 were Black, even though Black people represent 13 percent of the population. A similar disparity exists among social workers and psychiatrists.“This is a deterrent,” said Dr.

Kali D. Cyrus, a psychiatrist at Sibley Memorial Hospital in Washington, D.C., and an assistant professor at Johns Hopkins University. Talking about your family’s business with a white person — much less an outsider — is often discouraged in the Black community, added Dr.

Cyrus, who is Black.Most mental health care for children takes place in public schools via school psychologists or counselors. This is especially true in low-income districts where other resources are scarce. But these professionals are also in short supply.Even when mental health professionals are available, research has shown that Black adolescents’ depression often goes untreated because of negative perceptions of services and providers or feelings of shame about experiencing depressive symptoms.“Black families don’t typically have literacy in discussing ‘feelings’ with each other,” Dr.

Cyrus said in an email. €œThere is also the strong value of ‘keeping your business out of the street.’”Ever since Kathy Williams’s teenage son Torian Graves took his life in 1996, she has been teaching the people in her hometown, Durham, N.C., about the symptoms she missed and the importance of mental health treatment. But the stigma is still strong, she said.

Some parents are afraid of being judged and don’t trust therapists. Sometimes they say. €œJust pray about it.

It will go away.”Yes, she said, prayer is good. But treating mental illness requires more than that.After her son died, she found a poem in his room that he had written as a class assignment.It reads:Part of me is Carolina Blue,Full of Flavor and Excitement,Like a Wild RollercoasterOn the Loose.But, At times,I’m mean, dark, lonely,Black, mad at the world,Like a lost dog in the desert,Yet, they are both true,And they are both me.“Wow, this is the way my child was feeling,” she recalled thinking at the time.“I saw him angry at times and couldn’t figure out why,” she said of her son, who was 15 when he died. €œI believe Torian was depressed and we didn’t know it.”To help remove the stigma associated with therapy, Dr.

Lindsey has developed a pilot program at five New York City public middle and high schools that recruits Black youths who are experiencing symptoms of depression and enrolls them in therapy with a clinician at a school-based mental health clinic.When parents are informed that their children have mental health challenges, they often feel as if they did something wrong, Dr. Lindsey said.“The first thing we tell them is this is not your fault, this is not the result of bad parenting,” he added.As for Joe, who had been struggling with depression in Boston, he did eventually find a therapist with the help of his mother and his primary care doctor, and started therapy at the beginning of 12th grade.“Talking to someone every Wednesday for one hour, it just did something,” he said. €œIt made me feel like a person, like I was wanted.”His father and the rest of his family noticed that he wasn’t as angry anymore.“It’s not that I was crazy,” Joe said.

€œI needed someone to understand what I was going through, to give me a way to deal with it. Now, Joe said, “I love who I am.”If you’re worried about someone in your life and unsure of how to help, use one of these free, 24-7 resources:The National Suicide Prevention Lifeline. 1-800-273-8255 (TALK)The Crisis Text Line.

Text TALK to 741741The American Foundation for Suicide PreventionThis article was produced as part of the USC Annenberg Center for Health Journalism’s 2021 National Fellowship.How to Talk to a Child Who Is StrugglingStrategies to help young children open up about tough emotions.AdvertisementContinue reading the main story.

Why Are cialis 10mg price More https://www.harten-breuninger.de/antabuse-pill-price Black Kids Suicidal?. A Search for Answers.Mental health experts assumed that people of cialis 10mg price all races had the same risk factors for self-harm. Emerging evidence suggests that is not the case.Credit...Supported byContinue reading the main storyNov. 18, 2021Joe was 17 when he cialis 10mg price decided life wasn’t worth living.He was tired of the violence in his Boston neighborhood, where his older brother had spent more than a year recovering from a gunshot wound to his leg. And he was especially tired of the comments about his weight.“You think you can sit on that chair?.

€ his classmates would ask.Other times cialis 10mg price they were more direct, saying simply. €œYou’re fat.”“Sometimes I’d be so depressed I wouldn’t eat for three days,” said Joe, now 25, who was a lineman on his high school’s football team.(Joe’s surname and that of another young person interviewed for this article are being withheld to protect their privacy. Joe is being identified by his middle name.)He thought about ending his life if the bullying didn’t stop cialis 10mg price. Those thoughts cialis 10mg price eventually became so pervasive that one day he came home from school and took a small handful of pills. But it was enough only to produce a bad stomachache.Months later, he was still feeling depressed.

€œLet me go see cialis 10mg price a therapist. My head’s not right,” he told his father. €œI’m having these thoughts of killing myself — that you’d all be better without me here.”Joe cialis 10mg price still remembers his father’s response. €œThat’s not true. We love you cialis 10mg price.

But you want to talk to somebody and tell someone that? cialis 10mg price. They’re going to think you’re crazy.”Over the past generation, a mental health crisis has been brewing among Black youths like Joe, one that very few people — including Black families — have spoken about publicly. Self-reported suicide attempts rose nearly 80 percent among Black adolescents from 1991 to 2019, while the prevalence of attempts did not change significantly among cialis 10mg price those of other races and ethnicities. Legislators and academics are now pushing for better research to understand why, especially in light of new evidence that suggests Black children may have unique risk factors for self-harm.‘I Didn’t Necessarily Want to Die’One study of high school students, published in September, found that the Black teenagers surveyed were more likely than the white teenagers to have attempted suicide without first having suicidal thoughts or plans. Because suicide screening questionnaires typically ask whether people are having suicidal cialis 10mg price thoughts or have made plans to hurt themselves, the authors speculated that the questionnaires might fail to identify some Black youths who are at risk of suicide, or that there could be additional factors that might indicate a need for intervention.More research is needed, but a government study conducted last year suggested that Black children and adolescents who died by suicide were more likely than white youths to have experienced a crisis in the two weeks before they died.

They were also more likely to have had a family relationship problem, argument or conflict, or a history of suicide attempts.Jordan Burnham, who survived a jump from a ninth-story window when he was 18, said that if he had been asked whether he was planning to kill himself that day, the answer would have been no.“I couldn’t even think that far ahead,” he said.The fall broke his pelvis, shattered his left leg and fractured his wrist, skull and jaw. It would be four years before he could walk again.“I didn’t necessarily want to die,” added Mr cialis 10mg price. Burnham, who is now 32 and visits as many cialis 10mg price as 60 schools a year to speak about suicide prevention and mental illness. €œBut the part of me that had depression and shame and sadness everyday — I wanted that pain to die. I wanted that part to go away.”On the day of his suicide attempt, he was cialis 10mg price confronted by his parents about a stash of alcohol that they had found in his car.

Although Mr. Burnham was diagnosed with depression as a teenager, he became so good at hiding it that even his own family members, who were loving and supportive, did not fully understand how much pain he held cialis 10mg price inside — or the extent to which he felt like an outsider as one of the few Black students at a mostly white school in suburban Philadelphia.Suicide and mental illness are often thought of as a “white phenomenon,” said Michael A. Lindsey, the executive director of the McSilver Institute for Poverty Policy and Research at New York University, who studies the mental health of Black adolescents.Looking at the raw numbers, it’s easy to understand why. White deaths by suicide far cialis 10mg price outnumber those of Black people. But when taking into account youth suicide rates — the number of suicides per 100,000 individuals under cialis 10mg price age 25 — a different picture emerges.“I think the statistics are shocking,” said Dr.

Lindsey, who was the first to document trends in rising suicide attempts among Black adolescents.A 2018 study found that while the suicide rate of Black children 5 to 12 was low, it was nearly twice that of white children in the same age group. In one of cialis 10mg price the most recent examples, a 10-year-old Black girl with autism died by suicide in Utah in early November. Her parents said she had been subjected to racist bullying by her classmates.Among teenagers and young adults, suicide rates remain highest among whites, Native Americans and Alaska Natives. But while the suicide rate has recently declined among those groups, cialis 10mg price it has continued to rise among Black youths. From 2013 to 2019 the suicide rate of Black boys and men 15 to 24 years old rose by 47 percent, and by 59 percent for Black girls and women of the same age.Adolescents of color who identify as L.G.B.T.Q.

May be cialis 10mg price especially at risk of a suicide attempt, according to a national survey conducted by the Trevor Project, a suicide prevention group for L.G.B.T.Q. Youth.Despite the racial disparities — and the fact that suicide is the second leading cause of death among all adolescents — there has been a dearth of research examining the racial and ethnic differences in youth suicidal ideation, plans or suicide attempts.This is partly because Black researchers who examine health disparities have been underfunded — in March the director of the National Institutes of Health issued a public apology for “structural racism in biomedical research” — but also because there are only a handful of academics who study these topics.“You have to bring culture cialis 10mg price into this, you have to talk about racism, you have to talk about discrimination,” said Arielle Sheftall, a principal investigator at the Center for Suicide Prevention and Research at Nationwide Children’s Hospital in Columbus, Ohio. €œIt is something that Black youth experience every single day.”A report presented to Congress in 2019 identified gaps in research and policy and has resulted in more research dollars flowing to studies related to Black youth suicide, including a program to teach middle schoolers about mental health and a suicide prevention intervention called Success Over Stress, which touches on themes like systemic racism and police brutality to help ninth-grade students at predominantly Black schools develop coping skills.“These kids have stressors that are uniquely different than other kids,” said LaVome Robinson, the lead investigator of the Success Over Stress study and a professor of psychology at DePaul University in Chicago.‘Nothing to Stress About’Deaths by suicide are more common among boys than girls overall, but a study published in September found that suicide rates among Black girls increased by an average of 6.6 percent each year from 2003 to 2017 — more than twice the increase for Black boys. A diagnosis cialis 10mg price of depression or anxiety was more common among the girls. Additionally, nearly 20 percent of the girls had engaged in an argument within 24 hours of their deaths.Denise (her middle name), 19, a high school senior in Cleveland, lives with her mother and six siblings.

She struggles with depression and anxiety, largely cialis 10mg price driven by conflict at home and the lingering trauma of a sexual assault.“When I told Mom how I was feeling, she didn’t seem to care,” Denise said, adding. €œShe said I had nothing to stress about because I’m a kid.”“I just felt like there was nothing nobody could do to change the situation.”One evening in September, after a disagreement with her mother, she texted one of her school counselors and told her. €œI don’t want to be here no cialis 10mg price more.”Her counselor insisted that she go to the hospital to get a psychiatric evaluation.“The first three nights I spent in the hospital, all I could do is cry,” said Denise, who received her first prescription for psychiatric medication while she was there. €œI just felt relieved that somebody could actually understand what cialis 10mg price I’m going through. It felt good to let it all out after holding it in for so long.”Suicidal behavior is already a well-known problem in Denise’s school district, which is about two-thirds Black.

In 2019, data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention showed that 18 percent of Cleveland high school students had attempted suicide cialis 10mg price in the previous 12 months, compared with about 9 percent nationally. Many students in Cleveland face chronic stressors, including neighborhood violence and food insecurity. Researchers have found that young people are more likely cialis 10mg price to die by suicide in high-poverty communities.Lisa Ellis, a counselor at a high school in Cleveland, developed an eight-week program for first-year students at her school that aims to help reduce the stigma of mental illness, which she sees as a large barrier preventing students of color from getting the help they need.Tips for Parents to Help Their Struggling TeensCard 1 of 6Are you concerned for your teen?. If you worry that your teen might be experiencing depression or suicidal thoughts, there are a few things you can do to help. Dr.

Christine Moutier, the chief medical officer of the American Foundation for Suicide Prevention, suggests these steps:Look for changes. Notice shifts in sleeping and eating habits in your teen, as well as any issues he or she might be having at school, such as slipping grades. Watch for angry outbursts, mood swings and a loss of interest in activities they used to love. Stay attuned to their social media posts as well.Keep the lines of communication open. If you notice something unusual, start a conversation.

But your child might not want to talk. In that case, offer him or her help in finding a trusted person to share their struggles with instead.Seek out professional support. A child who expresses suicidal thoughts may benefit from a mental health evaluation and treatment. You can start by speaking with your child’s pediatrician or a mental health professional.In an emergency. If you have immediate concern for your child’s safety, do not leave him or her alone.

Call a suicide prevention lifeline. Lock up any potentially lethal objects. Children who are actively trying to harm themselves should be taken to the closest emergency room.Resources If you’re worried about someone in your life and don’t know how to help, these resources can offer guidance:1. The National Suicide Prevention Lifeline. 1-800-273-8255 (TALK) 2.

The Crisis Text Line. Text TALK to 741741 3. The American Foundation for Suicide PreventionThe curriculum includes videos, like TED talks about mental health, as well as discussions about various mental health diagnoses and healthy coping mechanisms to help students regulate their emotions inside and outside the classroom.‘Keeping Your Business Out of the Street’An American Psychological Association report found that only 4 percent of psychologists in the United States in 2015 were Black, even though Black people represent 13 percent of the population. A similar disparity exists among social workers and psychiatrists.“This is a deterrent,” said Dr. Kali D.

Cyrus, a psychiatrist at Sibley Memorial Hospital in Washington, D.C., and an assistant professor at Johns Hopkins University. Talking about your family’s business with a white person — much less an outsider — is often discouraged in the Black community, added Dr. Cyrus, who is Black.Most mental health care for children takes place in public schools via school psychologists or counselors. This is especially true in low-income districts where other resources are scarce. But these professionals are also in short supply.Even when mental health professionals are available, research has shown that Black adolescents’ depression often goes untreated because of negative perceptions of services and providers or feelings of shame about experiencing depressive symptoms.“Black families don’t typically have literacy in discussing ‘feelings’ with each other,” Dr.

Cyrus said in an email. €œThere is also the strong value of ‘keeping your business out of the street.’”Ever since Kathy Williams’s teenage son Torian Graves took his life in 1996, she has been teaching the people in her hometown, Durham, N.C., about the symptoms she missed and the importance of mental health treatment. But the stigma is still strong, she said. Some parents are afraid of being judged and don’t trust therapists. Sometimes they say.

€œJust pray about it. It will go away.”Yes, she said, prayer is good. But treating mental illness requires more than that.After her son died, she found a poem in his room that he had written as a class assignment.It reads:Part of me is Carolina Blue,Full of Flavor and Excitement,Like a Wild RollercoasterOn the Loose.But, At times,I’m mean, dark, lonely,Black, mad at the world,Like a lost dog in the desert,Yet, they are both true,And they are both me.“Wow, this is the way my child was feeling,” she recalled thinking at the time.“I saw him angry at times and couldn’t figure out why,” she said of her son, who was 15 when he died. €œI believe Torian was depressed and we didn’t know it.”To help remove the stigma associated with therapy, Dr. Lindsey has developed a pilot program at five New York City public middle and high schools that recruits Black youths who are experiencing symptoms of depression and enrolls them in therapy with a clinician at a school-based mental health clinic.When parents are informed that their children have mental health challenges, they often feel as if they did something wrong, Dr.

Lindsey said.“The first thing we tell them is this is not your fault, this is not the result of bad parenting,” he added.As for Joe, who had been struggling with depression in Boston, he did eventually find a therapist with the help of his mother and his primary care doctor, and started therapy at the beginning of 12th grade.“Talking to someone every Wednesday for one hour, it just did something,” he said. €œIt made me feel like a person, like I was wanted.”His father and the rest of his family noticed that he wasn’t as angry anymore.“It’s not that I was crazy,” Joe said. €œI needed someone to understand what I was going through, to give me a way to deal with it. Now, Joe said, “I love who I am.”If you’re worried about someone in your life and unsure of how to help, use one of these free, 24-7 resources:The National Suicide Prevention Lifeline. 1-800-273-8255 (TALK)The Crisis Text Line.

Text TALK to 741741The American Foundation for Suicide PreventionThis article was produced as part of the USC Annenberg Center for Health Journalism’s 2021 National Fellowship.How to Talk to a Child Who Is StrugglingStrategies to help young children open up about tough emotions.AdvertisementContinue reading the main story.